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Thursday, September 1, 2022

Wilcox and Sargent Report

(Author’s note: The following was lifted verbatim from the pamphlet published by the Philippine Information Society, "Facts about the Filipinos –

"The Crucial Test," Boston, Vol. 1, No. 3, June 1, 1901,  pages 36-62,  http://name.umdl.umich.edu/acc6166.0001.003,)



“WITNESSES IN THE INTERIOR.

“Account of Messrs. Wilcox and Sargent.

“[W. B. Wilcox, Paymaster, U. S. N., and Leonard R. Sargent, Naval Cadet, U. S. N., traveled through northern Luzon with the authority of Admiral Dewey from October 5 to November 20, accompanied by an interpreter. They traveled more than 600 miles, visiting 40 towns in 9 of the 23 provinces of Luzon. Their report is endorsed by Admiral Dewey as follows:

"(Indorsement.)

"FLAGSHIP OLYMPIA,

"CAVITE, P. I., December I, 1898.

"Approved and respectfully forwarded for the information of the Navy Department.

"Especial attention is invited to this interesting and carefully prepared report, which, in my opinion, contains the most complete and reliable information obtainable in regard to the present state of the northern part of Luzon Island.

"GEORGE DEWEY, Rear Admiral, U. S. N.,
"Commanding Asiatic Station."

“In addition to this official report, Messrs. Wilcox and Sargent have published several magazine articles (see Outlook for September 2 and 23, 1899 and the Independent for September 14, 1899) describing their tour, which together with the official report are reprinted in a senate document. We quote from this senate document (Senate Document 66, 56th Cong., I e. page 44) all portions bearing upon the government or the state of civilization in the islands, omitting only repetitions and descriptions of scenery.

From "The Backwoods Filipino," by L. R. Sargent.

"It will be remembered that at that date [October and November, I898], the United States had not yet announced its policy with regard to the Philippines. The terms of the treaty with Spain were being negotiated by our Commissioners in Paris, and the fate of the islands hung in the balance. In the meantime the native population, taking matters in their own hands, had declared their independence from all foreign jurisdiction and had set up a provisional government with Aguinaldo at its head.

"Although this government has never been recognized, and in all probability will go out of existence without recognition, yet it cannot be denied, that, in a region occupied by many millions of inhabitants, for nearly six months it stood alone between anarchy and order. The military forces of the United States held control only in Manila with its environs and in Cavite, and had no authority to proceed further; while in the vast remaining districts the representatives of the only recognized power on the field were prisoners in the hands of their despised subjects. It was the opinion at Manila during this anomalous period in our Philippine relations, and possibly in the United States as well, that such a state of affairs must breed something akin to anarchy.

"I can state unreservedly, however, that Mr. Wilcox and I found the existing conditions to be much at variance with this opinion. During our absence from Manila we travelled more than 600 miles in a very comprehensive circuit through the northern part of the island of Luzon, traversing a characteristic and important district. In this way we visited seven provinces, of which some were under the immediate control of the central government at Malolos, while others were remotely situated, separated from each other and from the seat of government by natural divisions of land, and accessible only by lengthy and arduous travel. As a tribute to the efficiency of Aguinaldo's government and to the law abiding character of his subjects, I offer the fact that Mr. Wilcox and I pursued our journey throughout in perfect security, and returned to Manila with only the most pleasant recollections of the quiet and orderly life which we found the natives to be leading under the new regime.

"Some years ago, at an exposition held at Barcelona, Spain, a man and woman were exhibited as representative types of the inhabitants of Luzon. The man wore a loin cloth and the woman a scanty skirt. It was evident that they belonged to the lowest plane of savagery. I think no deeper wound was ever inflicted upon the pride of the real Filipino population than that caused by this exhibition, the knowledge of which seems to have spread throughout the island. The man and woman, while actually natives of Luzon, were captives from a tribe of wild Igorrotes of the hills, a tribe as hostile to the Filipinos as to the Spaniards themselves, and equally alien to both. It is doubtful to what extent such islanders are responsible for the low esteem in which the Filipino is held; his achievements certainly have never been well advertised, while his shortcomings have been heralded abroad. The actual, every-day Filipino is not as picturesque a creature as the Igorrote. The average human imagination has a remarkable affinity for the picturesque, and the commonplace citizen of Luzon is too often overlooked in the presence of the engrossing savage. If the observer's attention can be drawn to the former, however, much that is of interest will be found in his comparatively homely life.

"In our journey, we traveled first across the province of Nueva Icija, by far the poorest and least interesting of all the provinces we visited. And yet, even here, we were greatly surprised by the intelligence and refinement of the inhabitants. While our entertainment at first was meager, for want of the wherewithal to provide a more generous one, - we could nevertheless detect the same spirit of hospitality that found vent in elaborate manifestations in the richer towns which we visited later. We were particularly struck by the dignified demeanor of our hosts, and by the graceful manner in which they extended to us their welcome. We had unlimited opportunities for conversation with the citizens of towns, and we found everywhere a class that gave evidence of considerable culture and a certain amount of education. Their education included those branches only which were taught at the schools conducted by the priesthood at the capital towns of the provinces, and was of rather an impracticable nature. The Spanish language, Spanish history (appropriately garbed), church history, and the dead languages evidently formed its leading features.

"The natives of this class seemed to have made the most of opportunities offered them, and they had the subjects above mentioned completely at command. This enabled them to give a trend to their conversation that served at least to indicate their aspirations. On the other hand, their ignorance of modern history and politics, and particularly of current events, was astonishing. What they knew of the United States had been learned like the Latin, from Spanish teachers, but was not equally reliable. Not only in the backward province of Nueva Icija, but elsewhere throughout our journey, we found the same fund of misinformation on the subject. This related in great measure to the attitude of our Government toward the two races of people that have come under its jurisdiction with an inferior political status, namely, the Indians and the negroes. Of the condition of the negroes since the war, the Filipinos seem not to be aware. They express great curiosity on the subject of the Indian question, and have evidently been taught to see in the unhappy condition of that race, the result of deliberate oppression, and a warning of what they may expect from our Government if they submit themselves to its legislation. Of ourselves, -the citizens of the United States, -they have been told that we possess neither patriotism, honor, religion, nor any other restraining or refining influence. A character has been given us consistent with the acts attributed to our nation. The natives are now undoubtedly becoming enlightened as to our true character, but it will probably be a long time before their last suspicions are removed. In the meanwhile, we cannot but hope that the good faith of our Government in any proposition it may make to the Filipino people will be accepted in advance. When it becomes a question of our fairness and our honest intentions toward them, the burden of the proof must rest on us.

"The towns of Ilagan and Aparri, with their wealthy and pleasure-loving population, provided the most elaborate entertainment. Ilagan is the capital city of the tobacco-raising province of Isabella, and is situated near the head of navigation of the Rio Grande. Aparri is situated at its mouth, in the province of Cagayan, and is the only seaport of the valley. These towns are laid out in regular streets and have many squares of substantial frame buildings. They have each a population of between ten and fifteen thousand. We spent three days at Ilagan, and I think that it was here that we were brought into closest touch with the Filipino character. The cultured class, which I have spoken of before, was strongly in evidence; and I think that before leaving we had discussed views with nearly every member of it. They all realized that they were passing through a crucial period in the history of their people, and young and old were eager to acquire all possible knowledge that might assist them to think clearly at this crisis. Their realization of the gravity of their position did not, however, rob their character of its natural gayety nor make them forget their duty as hosts. On the evening following our arrival, a ball was given in our honor, which was attended by all the elite of the town. There were present about fifty young women and twice that number of men. All were dressed in European fashion. The girls were pleasant and intelligent; the men comported themselves in all respects like gentlemen. It was hard to realize that we were in the very heart of a country generally supposed to be given. up to semi-savages. At intervals between dances many songs were sung, usually by one or two of the guests, while all frequently joined in the chorus. The national hymn was repeated several times with great enthusiasm. The ball lasted until eight o'clock in the morning, and broke up with good feeling at its height.

"On the second evening we were invited to attend the theatre, where two one-act Spanish plays were presented by the young society people of the town. The theatre itself had been constructed by the villagers only a few weeks before. It was a large bamboo structure, one end of which was used as the village market, while the stage occupied the other end. The stage arrangements were good; curtain, side scenes, and footlights en regle. In the performance of the play we saw our friends - these typical young Filipinos - in a light in which very few of our nation have had an opportunity to view them. They comported themselves with credit in a position where humor, intelligence, and artistic ability were the requisites of success.

"During our stay at Ilagan, we lived at the house of the Mayor. This building was of great size, and was built of magnificent hard wood from the neighboring forest. One wing, containing a reception room and two bedrooms, was turned over to us. The reception room was very large, with a finely polished floor and with windows along two sides. It contained a piano and a set of excellent bamboo furniture, including the most comfortable chairs and divans imaginable. There were two tall mirrors on the wall, and a number of old-fashioned pictures and framed paper flowers. In this room our friends gathered in the afternoon and took measures to make the time pass pleasantly for us. Whenever the conversation threatened to lose its animation, there was always some one at hand to accede to our host's request to play on the piano or to sing.

"The dangers incident to travel have had much to do with the confusion of dialects that prevails on the island, and this confusion is consequently more marked in the eastern than in the western provinces. The educated class of Filipinos can speak two languages that are universal throughout the island in their own class; these are Spanish and Tagalog. The ignorant natives, on the other hand, have only their own provincial dialect. These dialects are so different one from another that they must be separately studied to be understood. Dictionaries of many of them have been made by the Jesuit priests. Through the servants of our party, we had at command five dialects in addition to the Spanish and Tagalog, yet in passing through one province we failed utterly to make ourselves understood by a native whom we accosted, although we plied him patiently with these seven languages.

"There is but one individual who seems never to be daunted by the obstacles and dangers that separate him from the provinces toward which he sees fit to direct his footsteps. I refer to the Chinaman. In almost every village we visited we found at least one of that race, and in the larger towns there were many. They are the merchants of the islands, presiding over every shop, and drawing money from every village. They are deeply hated by the Filipinos, and were the object of a strict immigration law under the administration of Aguinaldo's provisional government.

"Freedom of thought marked the views of every Filipino that I have heard express himself on the subject of religion, and although I certainly have met devout Catholics among them, I judge that that church, on account of the abuses with which it has been associated on the island, has failed on the whole to secure an exclusive hold on the minds of the natives. In speaking of the Filipino people I have had reference throughout principally to one class of their society, which I have called the cultured class. If my observations of that class are just, however, I think that inferences can be safely drawn from them that extend their application over the entire Tagalog population. The great mass of this population has been kept in an unenlightened state by deliberate legislation, which has effectually deprived them of every possible opportunity for advancement. Those who have acquired education have acquired it at an extravagant cost that has placed it hopelessly beyond the reach of all but the wealthy, There are few, if any, among the number, however, who, while possessing the price of a schooling, have neglected to apply it to that end. I cannot see what better gauge we can obtain at present of the intelligence and ambition of the whole Filipino race than the progress that has been made by its favored members with the limited opportunities at their command. Throughout the islands the thirst for knowledge is manifested, and an extravagant respect for those who possess it.

" I have seen a private native citizen in a town in the interior exercise a more powerful influence than all the native officials over the minds of the inhabitants, simply because he was known to have been educated in the best schools at Manila, and was regarded for that reason as a superior man. The heroes of these people are not heroes of war, but of science and invention. Without rival, the American who is best known by reputation in Luzon is Mr. Edison, and any native with the slightest pretension to education whom you may question on the subject will take delight in reciting a list of his achievements. The ruling Filipinos, during the existence of their provincial government, appreciated the necessity of providing public schools to be accessible 'to the poorest inhabitants. Had events so shaped themselves as to have provided an opportunity for carrying into effect the plans formed on this point, it seems possible that the mental plane of the entire population might have been raised gradually to a surprising height.

" Out of respect to the statements of other people which the narrative of my experience may seem to contradict, I wish to say that I have found the native of the interior of Luzon an astonishingly different character from the one ordi narily met in Manila. Previous to my journey, I regarded those whom I had encountered in that city with great dislike, and after my return I was unable to overcome that feeling. They are not a fair sample of the race, and I cannot expect any one who has formed his judgment on the subject merely from observations of that type to express an opinion similar to mine, as recorded above.

"From " The Military Filipino," by L. R. Sargent.

"The provisional government which assumed control of Filipino affairs in Luzon Island after the downfall of the Spanish power was a military one. The president of the so called republic was general of the army and had at his command all the forces of the state, while military officers filled the high positions throughout the provinces. It was continually asserted by those in power that this disposition of the control of affairs had been resorted to merely to tide over the existing emergency and that it should continue only until the establishment of a permanent peace. As long as it remained in force, however, the concentration of power was absolute, and, moreover, no change of government could be contemplated without the co-operation of the controlling class. In the event of peace the population hoped to see the reins of the government placed in their hands, but if opposition were offered they certainly had not the power to seize them. The military class controlled the situation, and with it, in great measure, the destiny of the people. Accordingly as they were actuated by motives of patriotism or of personal ambition they could, if unmolested, inaugurate a just and liberal government, or they could set upon the galled shoulders of their race a yoke as cruel as that they had just cast off.

"It will never be known how they would have stood this crucial test. The peace they had anticipated is further from them now than ever, and it has been decreed to a stronger power to relieve them of the responsibility of the vital decision. Yet they have not been deprived of importance. They still retain the official voice of their people, and it is with them that our nation is now at war. In view of their preeminent position in Luzon affairs, past, present, and future, some interest must attach to every observation of their character, especially to such as tend to show to what extent they represent the feelings and aspirations of the great mass of the Filipino population, and in what measure they have at heart the most genuine interests of their race.

"The leaders of the military element have been drawn, almost without exception, from the younger generation of that enlightened class of Filipinos of which I have spoken in a previous article as existing everywhere throughout Luzon Island. They possess, of course, many qualities in common with their older kinsfolk, in whose charge they have been reared; and yet they differ from them so significantly on many points as to deserve particular attention. The characters of men are not set to such rigid lines as to remain unchanged by the sudden attainment of authority, and the Filipino, like his brother of every other land, assumes a new demeanor with his uniform of office.

"Throughout the period of my association with both classes, I found the distinction apparent between civilians and military officers. Had Mr. Wilcox and I been provided for our journey with the customary credentials required of travellers in that country, many of the evidences of this difference which came to our notice would have been missing. Starting without passports, however (in fact, after having been refused them by Aguinaldo), our status was such as to invite all possible arrogance on the part of the officials, while throwing the most favorable light on the hospitality of the natives. Under the circumstances, I am inclined to think that there was a surprising lack of arrogance in the attitude which the officials assumed toward us. Yet there was a dignity in their bearing, and in some cases a coldness, caused by their suspicions of the motive of our journey, which were entirely lacking in their civilian countrymen. 'Armor is heavy, but it is a proud burden, and a man standeth straight in it.' So these young Filipinos, vested with the authority of their office and supporting the responsibility of their duty toward the state, assumed a manlier and more independent bearing than the genial and conciliatory one of the older men.

"In the opposition which they frequently offered to our plans we found much that was inconvenient, but nothing that was unreasonable from their point of view. We found them hard to cajole or to 'bluff,' or to move by any means other than a fair and open statement which they could clearly understand. Before the end of the journey, we came to regard the military Filipino as the only stumbling-block to our progress. And yet, in spite of the annoyance he caused us and of the frequent changes in our itinerary induced by his persistent opposition, we learned to admire him far beyond his simpler and more amiable countrymen.

"It could easily be seen that we did not control a monopoly of the admiration expended on this subject. The older men looked with manifest pride on the evidence of the firm purpose and quick decision of their sons and nephews, even while endeavoring, in many instances, to mollify the rigor of their methods; and the young officers themselves evinced great complacency when they dwelt upon the subject of their past achievements in the field and of the efficiency of their subsequent administration of affairs. The experience through which they had passed had imparted to their character a respect for their own ability and confidence in their own resources that is woefully lacking in the untried Filipino.

" Prior to my departure from Manila I had witnessed many examples of this deficiency in the national character, and had considered them of considerable significance. I remember on one occasion having observed a native coachman, whose carriage had been overturned by a collision, standing helplessly in the road regarding the wreck with an expression of utter despair, while he wrung his hands together and repeated in tones of the most agonized self-pity the expression, ' Pobre Filipino! Pobre Filipino!' He was still in this attitude when an American soldier near by took the matter in hand, and in a very short time had the horse on his feet, the carriage right side up, and the harness readjusted. I thought at the time that if the Filipino race possessed no more stamina than that/displayed by this coachman and no more readiness and resource to assist them in confronting unforeseen situations they would be indeed fortunate to have always at hand the ready support of a stronger power.

"I was not aware of the hardening effect upon the national character of the events even then occurring, and did not guess that the identical qualities whose absence I had noticed were being rapidly inculcated by the first phases of that experience to whose success I had considered their presence indispensable.

" Other qualities than these, moreover, are awakening from a dormant state. Prior to the advent of the great incentive of his life that came with the revolution, the native displayed in all his undertakings but little endurance and less perseverance. His existence was so ordered that no permanent good could come to him or his family from even the most continued endeavor, and he labored, therefore, for some temporary emolument only. He never had at stake a prize really worth the winning, and there was nothing within his horizon that appealed to him as deserving of as much attention as his own physical comfort.

" It was this that he considered first when set to any task, and he refused always to work under a strain. He recognized the limit to his powers within which he could work at ease, and, if forced beyond this limit, he promptly 'threw up the sponge.' In our party, at one time, among the number of our packmen were several old natives whom we had picked up at a little inland town. They belonged to the ' ante bellum' type of Filipino, and seemed scarcely cognizant of recent events. One day toward nightfall, noticing that one of these packmen was missing, we sent back over the trail to ascertain what had become of him. He was found about five miles in the rear, resting by the roadside, the picture of ease and indifference. In answer to our indignant inquiries, he merely replied that he had felt tired and stopped to rest. When ordered to proceed, and threatened with punishment if he loitered, he made the distance to camp in good time. It was not a case of exhaustion, of physical inability, but merely of an inconvenient weariness and entire absence of grit. Such was the old, purposeless, unawakened Filipino, and he bears a marked contrast to the vigorous and enthusiastic young insurgent soldier, whose every energy is at the service of the cause he has espoused, and who has endured every hardship and braved every danger in its support.

" We heard many tales, and were in a position to authenticate them to a great extent, of deeds that told in glowing terms of the endurance and courage the Filipinos could display when impelled by a sufficient motive. The revolution in Luzon Island was by no means a simultaneous uprising of the population, and in its early stages the force that opposed the Spanish power was not overwhelming in its numbers. In the provinces far in the interior, particularly, the earlier encounters found the advantage in the hands of the Spaniards, whose opponents were but small bands of the most daring and desperate natives of the vicinity, poorly armed and entirely without organization or discipline. Yet these pioneers of rebellion did win brilliant and surprising victories, and, by their success, encouraged their more timid neighbors to join their fortunes to the cause.

"In a district embracing the capital city of Nueva Vizcaya, a band of twenty Filipinos were for several days the only natives in open rebellion, and they conducted hostilities unaided against a force of Spaniards ten times their number. The Spanish commander, alarmed at the signs of discontent among the population, undertook to proceed with his troops to a neighboring town possessed of stronger defences. He was ambushed three separate times on the march by the little band of rebels, and suffered a large loss. Reports immediately swelled the ranks of the insurgents, and before the week was out the entire province was in their hands. The leader of the gallant little band of patriots, Lieutenant Navarro, is one of the very few officers whom I have met who represent the more ignorant class of the population. He could not speak Spanish, nor read nor write his own language, and on that account, at the time of our visit, had not risen above the rank of lieutenant.

"In many of the provinces the revolution received its start from detachments of Aguinaldo's expeditionary forces, which were sent across the island from the more populous districts on the western coast. These detachments -in some cases mere squads - performed remarkable service.

"At the time of our journey the patriotic enthusiasm of the population was everywhere at its height. The boast of every inhabitant was the national army whose organization was then being rapidly perfected. Commissions Venerere eagerly sought by the young men of the higher class, and there were more volunteers for service in the ranks than could be armed or uniformed.

"It was universally asserted that every preparation should be made to defend the newly-won independence of the island against all foreign aggression. The older Filipinos, especially those of wealth and influence, declared their desire to give every support in their power to the cause, and were as much a part of the warlike movement as those who actually took up arms. The great majority of the latter, both officers and enlisted men, were extremely young. I have met a brigadier-general of 21 years of age, many captains of 18, and lieutenants of 15 and I6. Captain Natividad, a particularly young officer of that rank and a member of a prominent Luzon family, explained that it was the aim of his government to rest its defence in the field in the hands of those of its supporters who were at that age that is most forcibly swayed by the love of military glory. For the desperate encounters that might await its army in the future, it desired that sort of valor of which discretion is not the better part.

"That the civil power should be placed in the same hands was a dangerous experiment, but at the same time a necessary one. The first object of the Filipinos had been to win their independence; the next to defend it. For both these purposes they had need of their best fighting material, and the selection was made accordingly. The result proved more fortunate than they had any reason to hope. While exercising absolute authority throughout the island and governing entirely by military law, the leaders of the army appeared, nevertheless, to endeavor to mete out justice to all classes alike. They continued, moreover, to assert their intention to relinquish their temporary power when the establishment of a permanent peace should make such a step possible, and gave most encouraging proofs of the good faith with which they spoke.

"A tendency was apparent in many individual instances to treat the entire civilian population with contempt, and the lower element of it with oppression and abuse. In one or two districts through which we passed this spirit was particularly marked, but it was not countenanced as a rule, and had been made the subject of special order from the authorities at Malolos. On the whole, as far as I could judge, the tendency was upward. The young officers displayed an earnest desire to improve their minds for the benefit of the state, and seemed to be impelled by the ambition to prove themselves worthy of the trust that had been confided in them.

"I passed one evening, about the middle of November, in the 'Comandancia' at San Fernando, in the province of Union, where were quartered over forty officers belonging either to companies stationed at the town or to the staff. of General Fina, the commander of the northwestern district. Our conversation was confined, as usual, to a great extent, to professional subjects: but I remember the visit particularly on account of the presence of a number of Spanish textbooks on infantry tactics, which were distributed among the officers and were evidently in almost constant service. * *

[Stars are as given in the Senate Document.] How many of these eager young students of the rudiments of military science have since learned their final lesson of war? "

From "In Aguinaldo's Realm," by L. R. Sargent.

"While the towns of this province [Nueva Vizcaya] are larger and more pretentious than those of Nueva Ecija, they are situated farther apart and are more completely isolated one from another. The forests between are inhabited by tribes of Igorrotes, who are a constant menace to travelers. On one road over which we passed a party of 20 Filipinos had been murdered to a man only a few days before our arrival. The character of the country.offers every opportunity for such savage attack, the trail frequently leading through thick forests or plains of rank grass meeting overhead. Although we considered our party strong enough for its own protection, we were usually provided with an escort of Filipino soldiers.

"Frequently we were joined by natives who had been waiting an opportunity to go from one town to another in safety, bringing the number of our party at one time up to forty-seven. Often from high points on the road we could see the smoke of at least one Igorrote camp-fire, frequently within a few miles of a large Filipino town. There can hardly be any direct method of attack against these savages, since they build no villages and have a vast wilderness for refuge; but at the time of our visit the Filipinos had already begun to build small forts at the points most frequently subject to their menaces - a step in advance of any the Spaniards had taken.

"At the towns we had previously visited we had occasionally seen numerous Spanish prisoners, all of whom were apparently enjoying full liberty within the limits of the town. At Iligan we saw Spanish soldiers and semi-civil officials in the same status; but the priests had been differently dealt with; they were too dangerous to be left at large, we were told, and were accordingly confined in a convent. We saw them one morning, to the number of 84, lined up in the street in charge of a squad of Filipino soldiers.

"At Aparri I witnessed a ceremony which, at the time, I considered pregnant with significance, and I have seen no reason since for changing my opinion. During our entire journey we had noticed the existence of a distinct civil and military government. The civil government was simple and efficient, consisting of four officials for each province and four for each town. The military government consisted of an officer in command of a military district, having under his orders one officer as military governor of each province and one as governor of each important town. The military government was the dominant one. We remarked on this condition several times, and were told that it would last only during a state of war. At Aparri we received proof of the sincerity of this statement. Word had been received from Hongkong that our commissioners at Paris, negotiating the terms of the treaty of peace, had plainly indicated that it was their intention not to return the islands to Spain. Relieved from their great apprehension of this action, the Filipino population began at once to see rosy visions of peace descending on their war-torn country. Steps were immediately taken to adjust existing conditions to the new state of things. Colonel Tirona, the governor of the northeastern military district, took the lead by relinquishing the control of affairs in the provinces comprised in his district in favor of a civil official chosen by the people. I was present at the impressive ceremony which solemnized this change in the province of Cagayan. The ceremony took place in the cathedral at Aparri and was attended by all the local officials of the towns of the province, as well as by any military officers that could be spared from their duties. Colonel Tirona placed the usual insignia of office- a gold-headed cane - in the hands of the governor elect at the close of a short speech, in which he said that now that a state of peace seemed probable he desired to divest himself of the unusual authority that it had been necessary for him temporarily to exercise and to assume his proper position as a servant - not a ruler- of the people. The governor, in reply, expressed his thanks to the Colonel and to all of the expeditionary forces, for the incalculable service they had rendered the people of the province in freeing them from Spanish rule, and declared the purpose of the people to expend the last drop of their blood, if necessary, in defending the liberty thus gained against the encroachments of any nation whatsoever. The governor then took the oath of office, being followed in turn by each of the three other provincial officers, the heads of the departments of justice, revenue, and the police. It was the Colonel's intention to have a similar ceremony performed in each of the other provinces under his control. Had the Filipino Government been allowed to work out its own salvation, this movement could hardly have failed to have become historical.

"At Aparri we saw proof also of the extent of Aguinaldo's authority. Four natives had been tried for robbery and attempted murder and had been sentenced to death. At the time of our visit they were awaiting the arrival from Malolos of the ratification of their sentence by the president.

"Everywhere we travelled the greatest loyalty toward Aguinaldo was expressed. Now, at the time of his reverses it is possible, though I am far from convinced, that he represents but one element of his people; then, in his prosperity, he certainly represented them all - at least in northern Luzon. At that time the enthusiasm of the people was tuned to the highest pitch. In every village every man was training in arms. Companies were formed of boys from eight years upward. Wooden guns were furnished them, and they were drilled systematically every day. The women were also imbued with the spirit. Many and many a time have the people of a village gathered in a large room of the " presidencia," where the paymaster and I were quartered, and put their whole hearts into the songs in which their patriotism found vent. Of these songs the national hymn was the favorite and no one within hearing ever failed to join in the chorus:

"Del suelio de tres siglos
"Hermanos despertad!
"Gritando, ' Fuera Espafia!
"Viva la libertad '

"From your sleep of three centuries,
"Brothers awake!
"Crying 'Away with Spain!
"Live liberty! '

"We wished to see the interior provinces on this side of the island, but were prevented by the authorities. Already the hope was fading that freedom from Spain meant freedom for government. The feeling toward Americans was changing, and we saw its effect in the colder manner of the people and in their evident desire to hustle us along by the most direct road to Manila.

"Although the spirit was evidently missing, we were nominally treated with every distinction. A mounted escort was furnished us, which rode ahead with guidons to clear the road. The towns in these western coast provinces are larger and more numerous than those in the valley of the Rio Grande. The military element is much more in evidence, as well as the native religious element which has succeeded the Spanish priests."

"In the latter part of November Paymaster Wilcox and I returned to Manila. A few minutes after our arrival I attempted to engage the services of a Filipino coachman, and found him sullen and insolent almost beyond belief. I thought of the courteous gentleman and respectful servant I had met in the interior, and wondered where among them I should class this brute. Yet they are all three one: and together they make up the Filipino. Good treatment makes of him the respectful servant; education makes of him a gentleman that no man need be ashamed to greet; but anything that he interprets as injustice arouses something in his nature that makes of him a stubborn and intractable brute. If all were known about the Filipino, public sentiment about him, while it might riot be changed, would at least be softened. There are qualities in him too fine to be wantonly destroyed. If the brute must be broken, let us hope that the respectful servant and the gentleman will be encouraged.

"From Official "Report of Tour Through Island of Luzon."

"In the villages of Humingan and Lupao there are a few Spanish prisoners, -priests, soldiers, and civil officials. We have seen representatives of each of these three classes in these towns. We could detect no signs of previous ill treatment nor of undue restriction. On the contrary, they appeared to possess the freedom of the town in which they lived.

" 12. The towns in this section are neither large nor important. Humingan, the largest, has not over two or three thousand inhabitants. The church, with the convent attached, is the largest building in each town; it is built of planed wood, whitewashed. There are three or four houses of planed wood in each town, the rest of the village consisting of grass huts. The presidente locale and other local officers are native Filipinos. Most of them have received a certain amount of education at religious schools in Manila. They are intelligent men and extremely eager to learn news from the outside world. Their knowledge of modern history and geography, however, is extremely limited, and their ignorance of current events is surprising. We brought them their first definite information with regard to Cuba, and to their own present status. One or two of them had heard of the Congress at Paris, but no one had any ideas as to its object, nor as to its relation to themselves. They were well grounded on only three points, - the destruction of the Spanish fleet in Manila Harbor, the surrender of Manila, and the declaration of the Philippine Government at Malolos of the independence of the islands and the establishment of a republican form of government, with Senor Aguinaldo as president. Even on these points the details they had received were very inaccurate.

"37. There are many Spanish prisoners in this town - civil, office, priests, soldiers. Eighty-four priests paraded in the street for our inspection. The greater number of them were dressed in civilian garb, only four or five of them wearing the robes of their office. Nearly all of them wore long hair and beards. They appeared in good health, and we could detect no evidence of maltreatment. These priests had been assembled from different parts of the province. They are kept under stricter guard than either of the other two classes of prisoners, for the reason that the native officials fear that if permitted to go among the people they will use the influence they possess through their position in the church to incite them against the Philippine government. We also met Don Jose Perez, a Spaniard who had previously been governor of the island. He was well dressed and appeared to be enjoying all the ordinary comforts.

"43. We were hospitably entertained at the Aparri; two balls were given in our honor. The town has a population of 20,000 inhabitants. It has many handsome houses and several well-defined streets. The military force stationed here consists of 300 soldiers, in addition to which the harbor has the protection of the gun boat ' Philippina,' which carries two guns of a calibre of about three inches. There are several officers here, three captains, and five or six lieutenants. The colonel goes from town to town in his district, and Commandante Leyba spends part of his time at Tuguegarno. There are no Spaniards here, with the exception of two or three merchants: one of these representing the company of the steamer 'Saturnas,' we have met. He is pursuing his business entirely unmolested.

"46. We remained at Vigan all next day, November I2. It had rained during the night, rendering impassable a part of the road to the next town. We walked through the town and visited the houses of several tradespeople. At one of these houses we heard the first and only definite complaint which came to our ears during the entire journey on the part of the natives against the present government. These people complained of the taxes imposed upon them, and even went so far as to say that they preferred the Spanish government. This statement was made in the presence of a party of six natives, and was acquiesced in by all; they were all, however, of the same family.

"52. The foregoing narrative of our journey is designed to give a general description of the country we passed through and of the methods of travel, and to illustrate by its incidents the character and grades of intelligence of its people and their attitude toward Americans, especially toward ourselves as military officers. The information we have acquired on certain points is summed up in the following paragraphs —

"INTELLIGENCE AND EDUCATION OF THE NATIVES.

"53. The Philippine officers, both military and civil, that we have met in all the provinces we have visited, have, with very few exceptions, been men of intelligent appearance and conversation. The same is true of all those men who form the upper class in each town. The education of most of them is limited, but they appear to seize every opportunity to improve it. They have great respect and admiration for learning. Very many of them desire to send their children to schools in the United States or Europe. Many men of importance in different towns have told us that the first use to be made of the revenues of their government, after there is no more danger of war, will be to start good schools in every village. The poorer classes are extremely ignorant on most subjects, but a large percentage of them can read and write.

"RELATION BETWEEN RICH AND POOR.

"54. There is a very marked line between these two classes, and this has been broadened by the insurrection for the reason that military officers must equip themselves with out pay, and that civil officers have numerous expenses for which they receive no return. All officers, civil and military, have therefore been chosen from the richer class; and the political and military power of the provinces is in the hands of that class. The private soldiers are fed and clothed by the government and allowed a very small amount of spending money - in the western provinces, thirty cents in silver per week.

"ATTITUDE OF THE MILITARY TOWARD THE CIVIL CLASS.

" 55. In the provinces of the East that we have visited, there appears to be little or no friction between the civil and military classes. Officers and privates, as far as we could observe, treat civilians with consideration. In the provinces of Ilocos, Sur, and Union there is a marked difference. The officers are more domineering. In travelling in these provinces we had many opportunities to observe this attitude. When accidents happened to our carriage, the officer commanding our escort called to our assistance every native in sight. When they did not answer to his call promptly we have seen him strike them with his riding whip. One man had a serious wound on his face where an officer had struck him with his pistol butt. He came to us for redress, after having appealed in vain to the military officer in command of the town. An order from Don Emilio Aguinaldo, dated October i8, 1898, calls the attention of his officers to the evils of this practice, and orders them to correct it in themselves and instruct all sergeants, corporals, and privates on the attitude that they should maintain toward civilians.

"DOMINION OF THE CHURCH.

"56. In the provinces of Nueva Icija, Nueva Vizcaya, Isabella, and Cagayan, the native priests have no voice whatever in civil matters. "The Catholic Church itself seems to have very little hold on the people of these provinces. Many men have expressed to us their preference for the Protestant Church. In Ilocos, Sur, and Union there are many more priests than in the other provinces mentioned. Every pueblo and barrio has its cura, and there are higher officers of the church in the larger towns. They appear to have an important influence in all civil matters.

"POPULAR SENTIMENT REGARDING INDEPENDENCE.

"57. Of the large number of officers, civil and military, and of the leading townspeople we have met, nearly every man has expressed in our presence his sentiment on this question. It is universally the same. They all declare that they will accept nothing short of independence. They desire the protection of the United States at sea, but fear any interference on land. The question of the remuneration of our government for the expense of establishing a protectorate is never touched upon. On the subject of independence there is, again, a marked difference between the four provinces first visited and those of Ilocos, Sur, and Union. In the former there is more enthusiasm, -the sentiment is more of the people; in the latter, is more of the higher class and of the army. In these provinces we have seen signs of actual discontent with the existing state of things.

"ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE UNITED STATES.

"58. There is much variety of feeling among the Philippines with regard to the debt of gratitude they owe the United States. In every town we found men who said that our nation had saved them from slavery, and others who claimed that without our interference their independence would have been recognized before this time. On one point they are united, however, viz., that whatever our Government may have done for them it has not gained the right to annex them. They have been prejudiced against us by the Spaniards. The charges made have been so numerous and so severe that what the natives have since learned has not sufficed to disillusion them. With regard to the record of our policy toward a subject people, they have received remarkable information on two points, - that we have mercilessly, slain and finally exterminated the race of Indians that were natives of our soil, and that we went to war in I86I to suppress an insurrection of negro slaves, whom we also ended by exterminating. Intelligent and well-informed men have believed these charges. They were rehearsed to us in many towns in different provinces, beginning at Malolos. The Spanish version of our Indian problem is particularly well known.

"PREPAREDNESS FOR WAR.

"59. The Philippine government has an organized military force in every province we have visited. They claim it extends also in Ilocos Norte, Abra, Lepanto, Bontoc, and Benguet. With regard to its existence in Ilocos and Benguet we can speak with assurance. We have met two officers with the rank of captain who are regularly stationed at Laoag, the capital city of Ilocos Norte, and also the commandante of the province of Benguet. The latter officer had come to San Fernando to obtain instructions from General Tino, and was about to return to Trinidad, the capital of that province. The number of troops under arms can only be given approximately. There are comparatively few in Nueva Icija; an estimate number of not over 300. In the military district embracing the provinces of Nueva Vizcaya, Isabella, and Cagayan, Colonel Tirona, Commandante Leyba, and Commandante Villa agreed in giving the number of soldiers under arms actually as 2000. An estimate, founded on the size of the garrisons in the towns we visited, would bring the number nearly up to that figure. In the western military districts the number of forces is about double that number, leaving out those stationed in the interior provinces of Abra, Lepanto, Bontoc, and Benguet, of which we know nothing positively. In the coast provinces of Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, and Union, a conservative estimate of the forces is 350o. In most of the pueblos the garrison is but little larger than those in the towns of the western districts; but there are many barrios, each one of which has its guard of soldiers, never less than 12. In the eastern military district we met not more than 25 officers, and in the western district over 60. There are rifles enough for all, principally Remingtons, but many Mausers. In every cuartek there are at least as many rifles as there are soldiers in the garrisons. The arms are more numerous in the eastern than in the western provinces. It is safe to estimate the number of rifles in the eastern district as at least twice the number of the soldiers. Commandante Villa and other officers made the statement that 40,000 rifles were being distributed among the people of that district. We have seen no proof of this statement. Ammunition is said to be plentiful, and it appears so from the fact that the soldiers use it freely hunting deer. With regard to the total force of the Philippine army, actual and reserve, we cannot speak from our own knowledge.

"Colonel Tirona claimed that 200,000 men from all the islands could be put on the field well armed; and several other officers have independently given the same statement. Every officer that we have seen carried a Spanish sword and revolver. They wear these weapons constantly, but regard them with contempt, preferring the bola at close quarters. The ' Philippina,' which was at Aparri during our visit, carries two guns of a calibre of about three inches. These are the only guns we have seen, with the exception of two revolving cannons in the palacio at Malolos. We saw no fortifications. The Spaniards have left numerous stockades in the wilder regions, and the natives have built a few others. There are also numerous barricades thrown up during the insurrection. In the towns the Spaniards defended themselves in the houses for want of protection. The military spirit pervades the eastern district, where every town and barrio has organized companies of its children, which are drilled every day. In the western district we did not see any children under arms. The officers have had no military education except that which they gained during the insurrection. Spanish drill tactics are used, and most of the officers are still studying the elementary text-book.

"Respectfully submitted,

"W. B. WILCOX, "Paymaster, U. S. N.
"LEONARD R. SARGENT, "Naval Cadet, U S. N."

Protest Against the Treaty of Paris

(Author’s note: The following document is the English text of Felipe Agoncillo’s protest against the Paris Peace Treaty which was lifted verbatim from pages 231-235 of Sulpicio Guevarra’s, “Laws of the First Philippine Republic”, http://umdl.umich.edu/aab1246.0001.001)

Official protest against the Paris Peace Treaty, December 12, 1898 (English text)

“PARIS, 12th of December, 1898.

“Their Excellencies, the Presidents, and Delegates of the Spanish American Peace Commission, Paris.

“The very noble and gallant General Emilio Aguinaldo, President of the Philippine Republic, and his Government have honoured me with the post of Official Representative to the very Honourable President and Government of the United States of America, devolving on me, at the same time, the duty of protesting against any resolutions contrary to the independence of that country which might be passed by the Peace Commission in Paris.

“This has already terminated its sessions, and the resolutions passed cannot be accepted as obligatory by my Government, since the Commission has neither heard nor in any wise admitted to its deliberations, the Philippine nation, who held an unquestionable right to intervene in them, in relations to what might affect their future. I fulfill, therefore, my duty, when I protest, as I do in the most solemn manner, in the name of the President and the National Government of the Philippines, against any resolutions agreed upon at the Peace Conference in Paris, as long as the juridical, political, independent personality of the Filipino people is entirely unrecognized, and attempts are made in any form to impose on these inhabitants, resolutions which have not been sanctioned by their public powers, the only ones who can legally decide as to their future in history.

“Spain is absolutely devoid of a status and power to decide, in any shape or form, the aforementioned matter. The Union of Spain and the Philippines was founded solely on two historical facts, in which the exclusive right of the Filipinos to decide their own destiny was implicitly recognized.

“First: - The Blood Compact" (Pacto de Sangre) of the 12th of March, 1565, entered into between the General Don Miguel Lopez de Legazpi and the Filipino sovereign, Sikatuna, a compact which was ratified and confirmed on the one side, by the King of Spain, Philip II, and, on the other side, by the Monarchs of Mindanao, Bisayas and Luzon and by the Supreme Chief of that Confederation, the Sultan Lacandola; proclaiming as a consequence, the autonomous nationality of the Kingdom of "New Castile", formed by the Philippine Islands, under the sceptre of the King of Spain.

“Second: - The so-called "Constitution of Cadiz", in the discussion, vote, promulgation, and execution of which the Deputies and Filipino people took an active part; and by which Constitution the nationality of "The Spains" was made effective.

“But from the very first moment in which the Peninsular Public Powers attempted to impose their absolute sovereignty on the Islands, the Filipinos protested energetically by force of arms, and from the first attempt in 1814, the struggle in defense of their political personality was implanted.

“When, in 1837, the violent deprivation of their rights was consummated, the Filipinos again protested Spain sustaining against them a fratricidal and inhuman struggle, which has lasted from that time onwards up to the present day.

“Falsehood, which always characterized the actions of the Peninsular authorities, constantly hid from the world the fact of the real situation of force, which has lasted almost a hundred years.

“At length, at the end of the present century, the Spanish forces have been completely routed by those of the natives, and Spain cannot now even allege the possession by her of the Islands; because the permanency of a handful of Peninsular soldiers, (approximately 400) who are holding out, besieged in one or two fortresses in the south of the Archipelago, cannot constitute such a right. The Spanish Government has ceased to hold any dominion by deed and by right; and the only authority which exists there and preserves order is that constituted by the Filipinos, with the solemn sanction of their votes, the only legal fount of positive modern power.

“Under such conditions, the Spanish Commissioners in Paris have not been able, within the principles of the law of nations, to give up or transfer what, if they ever had, they have totally lost before the signing of the Protocol of Washington and the arranging of the terms of the Peace Treaty in Paris.

“The Filipino people who consented to the "Blood Compact" and the "Constitution of 1812," annulled those conventions, by reason of Spain not complying with her undertakings, and renewed their sovereignty by the solemn proclamation of the Philippine Republic on the 1st of August, 1898, and by the establishment of a Government and a regular and well-ordered administration, created by the decisive votes of the natives.

“If any juridical effect can be attributed to the Spanish action in the Peace Treaty, within the principles of International Law, it is the explicit renunciation of all future pretention over the land, the dominion and possession of which she has lost, and therefore is only of use to make the recognition of the corporate body of the Filipino nation, and that of their rights to rule effectively in respect of their future.

“The United States of America, on their part, cannot allege a better right to constitute themselves as arbitrators as to the future of the Philippines.

“On the contrary, the demands of honor and good faith imposed on them the explicit recognition of the political status of the people, who, loyal to their conventions, were a devoted ally of their forces in the moments of danger and strife. The noble General Emilio Aguinaldo and the other Filipino Chiefs were solicited to place themselves at the head of the suffering and heroic sons of that country, to fight against Spain and to second the action of the brave and skillful Admiral Dewey.

“At the time of imploring their armed co-operation, both the Commander of the 'Petrel' and Captain Wood, in Hong Kong, before the declaration of war, the American Consuls General Mr. Pratt, in Singapore, Mr. Wildman, in Hong Kong, and Mr. Williams, in Cavite, acting as international agents of the great American nation, at a moment of great anxiety, offered to recognize the independence of the Filipino nation, as soon as victory was attained.

“Under the faith of such promises, an American man-of-war, the 'McCulloch' was placed at the disposal of the said leaders, and which took them to their native shores; and Admiral Dewey himself, by sending the man-of-war; by not denying to General Aguinaldo and his companions the exacting of his promises, when they were presented to him on board his flagship in the Bay of Manila; by receiving the said General Aguinaldo before and after his victories and notable deeds of arms, with the honours due to the Commander-in-Chief of an allied Army, and Chief of an independent State; by accepting the efficacious cooperation of that Army and of those Generals; by recognizing the Filipino flag, and permitting it to be hoisted on sea and land, consenting that their ships should sail with the said flag within the places which were blockaded; by receiving a solemn notification of the formal proclamation of the Philippine nation, without protesting against it, nor opposing in any way its existence; by entering into relations with those Generals and with the national Filipino authorities recently established, recognized without question the corporate body and autonomous sovereignty of the people who had just succeeded in breaking their fetters and freeing themselves by the impulse of their own force.

“And that recognition cannot now be denied by the honorable and serious people of the United States of America, who ought not to deny nor discuss the word given by their officials and representatives in those parts, in moments so solemn in gravity for the American Republic.

“To pretend to put now in question the attributes of such public functionaries, after the danger, would be an act of notorious injustice, which cannot be consented to by those who have the unavoidable duty of preserving unstained the brilliant reputation of the sons of the great nation founded by the immortal Washington, whose first glory was, and has always been, the constant fulfillment of their word of honour.

“It must be remembered here that the Filipinos did not fight as paid troops or mercenaries of America. On their arrival, they only received a reduced number of arms, which were delivered to them by the order of Admiral Dewey. The arms, ammunition, and provisions, with which the Filipinos have since sustained the war against the Spanish forces, were acquired, some by their gallantry, and others bought with their own funds, these latter being exclusively provided by the Filipino patriots.

“And it would not be noble to deny now, after having used the alliance, the courage, loyalty, and nobility of the Filipino forces in fighting at the side of the American troops, lending them a decided support, both enthusiastic and efficacious.

“Without their co-operation and without the previous siege, would the Americans have been able so easily to gain possession of the walled city of Manila?

“They could, who can deny it? have destroyed it by bombardment, but without the foregoing armed deeds, and without the rigorous circle in which the Spanish army was enclosed, the pretense of the attack and surrender which took place could not absolutely have been realized. 

“Admiral Dewey gloriously destroyed the Spanish squadron, but he had no disembarking forces, and could not inconsiderately dispose of his ammunition and provisions; and under such conditions, the support, which, as companions in arms, was lent to him by the Filipino Generals and their forces, is a positive and undeniable advantage. Without them, General Anderson's troops and those which afterward were disembarked, probably would not have been able to have arrived at Manila before the suspension of hostilities and the signing of the Protocol of Washington.

“Now, if the Spaniards have not been able to transfer to the Americans the rights which they did not possess; if the former have not militarily conquered positions in the Philippines; if the occupation of Manila was a resulting fact, prepared by the Filipinos; if the international officials and representatives of the Republic of the United States of America offered to recognize the independence and sovereignty of the Philippines, solicited and accepted their alliance, how can they now constitute themselves as arbiters of the control, administration and future government of the Philippine Islands?

“If in the Treaty of Paris, there had simply been declared the withdrawal and abandonment by the Spaniards of their dominion - if they ever had one - over the Filipino territory; if America, on accepting peace, had signed the Treaty, without prejudice to the rights of the Philippines, and with the view of coming to a subsequent settlement with the existing Filipino National Government, thus recognizing the sovereignty of the latter, their alliance and the carrying out of their promises of honour to the said Filipinos, it is very evident that no protest against their action would have been made. But in view of the terms of the 3rd Article of the Protocol, the proceedings of the American Commissioners, and the imperative necessity of safeguarding the national rights of my country, I make this protest, which I wish to comprise for the aforementioned reasons, but with the corresponding legal restrictions, as against the whole action taken and the resolutions passed by the Peace Commissioners at Paris, and in the Treaty signed by them. And in making this protest, I claim, in the name of the Filipino nation, in that of their President and Government, the fulfillment of the solemn declaration made by the illustrious William McKinley, President of the Republic of the United States of North America, that, on going to war, he was not guided by any intention of territorial expansion, but only in respect to the principles of humanity, the duty of liberating tyrannized people, and the desire to proclaim the unalienable rights of sovereignty of the countries released from the yoke of Spain.

“God keep your Excellencies many years.”

Felipe Agoncillo

 

   

Memorial to the Senate of the United States

(Author’s note: The following document called the “Memorial” was lifted verbatim from pages 64-80 of Maximo Kalaw’s book, “The Case for the Filipinos,” New York, The Century Co., 1916, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/AFJ2349.0001.001. It can also be found in Sulpicio Guevarra’s book, “The laws of the first Philippine Republic, the laws of Malolos, 1898-1899”, National Historical Commission, Manila, 1972, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/aab1246.0001.001, pages 236-244), and in Edward Atkinson’s pamphlet, “The Anti- Imperialist”, Brookline Massachusetts, Vol 1, Nos. 1 and 2, pages 1-7, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/acd4260.0001.001)

MEMORIAL TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
presented by D. Felipe Agoncillo
to the U.S. Secretary of State,
January 30, 1899.

“The interest of my country requires, because of the pendency of the Peace Treaty before your Honorable Body, that I present to you some considerations bearing upon the relations between the United States and the Philippine Islands. 

“It would be impertinent in me, and I shall not attempt, to make any suggestions relative to the treatment of the document in question. At the same time, I must be understood as protesting as the representative of the independent Philippine Republic that the United States has no jurisdiction, natural or acquired, through any of its agencies to adjudicate in any manner upon the rights of my country and people. The fact remains, however, that action is contemplated, which, we are informed is proposed, if deemed necessary, to be the basis of military operations against the latest addition to the republics of the world, such action being, as I shall herein point out, without foundation in justice.

“Lest it may be thought that, in addressing you, I am exceeding the just rights of those whom I have the honor to represent, I may be pardoned for calling your attention to the fact that the Constitution of the United States provides in substance that no person, however humble he may be, shall be deprived of his life, liberty or property except by due process of law - meaning after the preferment of charges, their careful examination by a tribunal competent and of acknowledged authority to deal therewith, and at a trial where the accused or defendant may be present in person or by attorney. This constitutional declaration is not the origin, but the expression of a principle - a right inherent in the nature of things - and which receives no added moral sanction because of its recognition in written documents, and is of no less application because circumstances require it to be called into play by a nation seeking the recognition of its independence.

“I cannot believe that in any possible action on the part of the American Republic towards my country, there is an intent to ignore, as to the ten millions of human beings I represent, the right of free government which America preserves to the lowliest of her inhabitants; but rather prefer to think that, in the rush of arms, this right for a moment may have been obscured in the minds of some of America's liberty-loving and enlightened citizens.

“My justification for addressing you is that I am solicitous lest by inadvertence or omission of my own, as specious foundation may be laid, by virtue of which the rights of my countrymen may be prejudiced and injuries inflicted thereupon, redounding thereafter, with added force, against the well-being of America.

“In presenting the considerations desire now to submit, it seems necessary for me first to refer to the historical fact that a large number of my countrymen have never been subdued by Spanish power, and as against their liberties, the oppressive arm of Spain has never been able to sustain itself; that the remainder of the inhabitants, because of their adhesion to the cause of liberty, have been in almost constant insurrection against the Government of Spain, these conflicts existing continuously with greater or less fury for the past hundred years.

“The impression has been created in America that at the time of the declaration of war between America and Spain, the Philippine Revolution no longer existed. Upon this point, I may not appeal to the authority of my countrymen for contradiction but prefer to invite your attention to a letter written by Mr. Williams, U.S. Consul General at Manila, under date of March 19, 1898: 


"’Rebellion never more threatening to Spain. Rebels getting arms, money and friends and they outnumber the Spaniards, resident and soldiery, probably a hundred to one.’ 

“Again on March 21, 1898, he wrote referring to the then condition of the conflict: 


“‘British shipmaster there (at Cape Borneo) at the time reports about forty killed and forty wounded. After surrender, the Spanish put the dead and wounded together in a house and by burning cremated all.’ 

“Under the same date, he writes of the desertion of an entire regiment of the Spanish forces to the insurgents, saying further: 


"’Now five thousand armed rebels, which for days have been in camp near Manila and have been reinforced from the mountains, plan to attack the city tonight. All is excitement and life uncertain.’ 

“On April 28, 1898, Mr. Pratt wrote a letter to Mr. Day, in which he speaks of "learning from General Aguinaldo the state and object sought to be obtained by the present insurrectionary government, which, though absent from the Philippines, he was still directing.

“Without additional authority, it must be evident to your Honorable Body that an extensive revolution existed in the Philippine Islands at the time of the declaration of war by America against Spain.

“This revolutionary movement found at its head, General Aguinaldo, now President of the Philippine Government, of whom Mr. Pratt wrote to Mr. Day: "General Aguinaldo impressed me as a man of intellectual ability, courage, and worthy of the confidence that had been placed in him," while again he said that "no close observer of what has transpired in the Philippines during the past four years could have failed to recognize that General Aguinaldo enjoyed, above all others, the confidence of the Philippine insurgents and the respect alike of the Spanish and foreigners in the Islands, all of which vouched for his justice and high sense of honor;" and Mr. Williams wrote Mr. Moore on July 18, 1898, "General Aguinaldo, Agoncillo, and Sandiko are all men who could all be leaders in their separate departments in any country."

“The purpose of the Filipino patriots in conducting this revolution was to secure the complete independence of their country, and in this effort they received the encouragement of the United States; and were never informed that the attainment and preservation of such independence would be regarded as a hostile act by America and they never believed that their struggle in such a cause would lead to enormous aggregation of American armies and navies at their doors.

“As early as May 20, 1898, Mr. Pratt forwarded to Mr. Day the Manifesto of the Filipinos beginning as follows: 


"’Compatriots: Divine Providence is about to place independence within our reach, and in a way a free and independent nation could hardly wish for.’ 

“Had the United States desired or intended that the Victory of the Filipinos, when gained, should, like the Dead Sea fruit, turn to ashes in their grasp, surely at this moment America ought not to have been reticent.

“Later, and on June 10, 1898, General Aguinaldo appealed directly to President McKinley, his letter having been forwarded under date of July 8, urging that the United States should make no endeavor to deliver the possession of the Philippines to England, but leave his country ‘free and independent, even if you make peace with Spain.’

“Again, General Aguinaldo was not informed that it was the purpose of America, if possible, to purchase the Philippine Islands from an expelled tyrant without consulting the wishes of the inhabitants, who had established and were maintaining successfully a government satisfactory to them.

“On June 8, 1898, and before the declaration of independence of the Filipinos, the Filipinos of Singapore presented a petition to Mr. Pratt, the American consul, in which they said: 


"’Our countrymen at home and those of us residing here refugees from Spanish misrule and tyranny in our beloved native land - hope that the United States, your nation, persevering in its humane policy, will efficaciously second the program arranged between you, sir, and General Aguinaldo in this part of Singapore, and secure to us our independence under the protection of the United States.’ 

“Consul Pratt did not dissent from this understanding of his compact with General Aguinaldo. The State Department was informed of this affair before July 20, 1898, and directed caution on the part of Mr. Pratt, but did not disavow his action to the parties most concerned, permitting them to continue to believe, as they had already an ample reason for believing, that the result of their struggle would be the independence of their native land.

“In addition to the facts already enumerated, for the period of four months in and out of the harbor of Manila, vessels passed floating the flag of the Philippine Republic, saluting and being saluted by American men-of-war, and these acts continued without let-up or hindrance until the month of October 1898.

“I have taken occasion, in a communication to the Secretary of State, to point out that by the rules of international law maintained an exception by the American Government, the Philippine Republic has been for many months entitled to national recognition, possessing, as it was, since June 1898, a government both de facto and de jure, capable of enforcing its laws at home, of carrying out its undertakings with foreign governments, and of maintaining itself against Spain.

“Before the appointment of the Peace Commissioners on September 13, 1898, American officials had fully recognized and had communicated to their Government the fact that it was possession of the Philippines, a point most essential to be considered in determining whether a new, independent nation should be recognized.

“In a memorandum concerning the Philippine Islands, made August 27, 1898, by General F. V. Greene, he states: 


"’The Spanish Government is completely demoralized, and Spanish power is dead, beyond the possibility of resurrection. Spain would be unable to govern those Islands if we surrender them.’ 

“Under date of August 29, Major J. F. Bell reported to General Merritt as follows: 


"’I have met no one cognizant of the conditions now existing in these Islands and in Spain who believe that Spain can ever again bring the Philippines under subjection to its Government.’ 

“From the foregoing, it must appear that the Philippine Nation had achieved its independence free from any danger of losing it at the hands of the Spaniards, even prior to the signing of the protocol. This is shown by the Executive Agreement No. 62, now before the Senate, which document contains much testimony concerning the productive capacity of the Philippine Islands, and their mineral and agricultural wealth, but little evidence touching the probability of maintaining the American Government in those Islands irrespective of the desires of their people, and no direct testimony whatever as to the wishes of the people themselves, although it does contain evidence that the American Government had known from the beginning that the Filipinos were struggling for independence and with success, and includes copies of the declaration of independence of the Philippine Republic and of the laws passed pursuant thereto, and showing that the government knew that there was in existence a regularly organized and constituted republican government controlling the Islands and having General Aguinaldo at its head.

“I have already alluded to the fact that Spain had no power to deliver possession to the United States of the Philippine Islands, having been driven from these Islands by the just wrath of their inhabitants; and by way of illustration of this point, I venture to file herewith a map of the Philippine Archipelago, designating the principal islands under the control of the respective nations, and showing that America is in actual possession at this time of 143 square miles of territory, with a population of 300,000, while the Philippine Government is in possession and control of 167,845 square miles, with a population of 9,395,000, and only a few scattered Spanish garrisons are to be found in islands having an area of 51,630 square miles, with a population of 305,000. The figures as to the Spanish possessions should be diminished, and those of the Philippine Government increased, by virtue of the fact that the inhabitants of the Islands where Spanish troops yet remain have practically confined such troops to the narrow quarters of their garrison towns.

“Spain, therefore, having been driven away, as I have stated, and the inhabitants having established a government satisfactory to themselves and maintaining order throughout the territories under its control, what justification can any other nation advance for interfering with my country or refusing to extend to it the obligations of international law? Could Spain give any nation a better right than she possessed? She could not confer possession, for she did not enjoy it, and any former right of possession, claimed by her had been extinguished by the destruction of her sovereignty over my country. She could not create, by treaty or otherwise, as against the Philippine Islands, any right, except it, be the right to conquer them, and if such right be claimed, it exists, not because of cession on the part of Spain, but because of its own inherent force, and must be as powerful on behalf of any other nation, as it is on behalf of the United States. If, therefore, America claims the right to make war upon my countrymen for the purpose of conquering them, and thus destroying another republic, so equally may Germany, France, and England, or any other powerful nation, claim the same right.

It may be said that the United States has purchased from Spain by treaty "all the buildings, wharves, barracks, forts, structures, public highways, and other immovable property, which in conformity to law, belong to the Crown of Spain." But it was not possible for Spain to yield any right as to property of this nature as against the Government of the Philippine Islands, for, by all authorities upon the subject of international law, public property goes to the captor of the country, and may not be transferred by an expelled nation to a foreign government against the right of the nation which had gained possession of the country by conquest. It, therefore, follows that the public buildings, etc. recited as ceded by Spain to the United States, could not have been so ceded, but of right and by international law belong to the successor of the Spanish power in the Philippines; that is to say, to the Philippine Government representing the independent people of those Islands.

“In the further discussion of the question whether the American Government could acquire any right in the Philippines from Spain by treaty, I am fortunately able to invite your attention to several notable and great American precedents, and I could ask for my country no better fortune than to have the Republic of America, as at present constituted, adhere to the teachings of international law as laid down by some of its founders, to whom we appeal with the utmost confidence.

“When it became necessary, as it did in 1792 for the American Government to appoint Commissioners to negotiate a treaty with the Crown of Spain, Mr. Thomas Jefferson, under date of March 18, 1792, among other things, wrote as follows: 


"’Spain was expressly bound to have delivered up the possessions she had taken within the limits of Georgia (during the Revolutionary War as an ally of the United States) to Great Britain, if they were conquests of Great Britain, who was to deliver them over to the United States; or rather she should have delivered them to the United States themselves, as standing quoad hoc in the place of Great Britain. And she was bound by natural right to deliver them to the same United States on a much stronger ground, as the real and only proprietors of those places which she had taken possession of in a moment of danger, without having had any cause of war with the United States, to whom they belonged, and without having declared any; but, on the contrary, conducting herself in other respects as a friend and associate.’ Vattel, 1, 3, 132....’ 

“It is still more palpable that, a war existing between two nations as Spain and Great Britain, could give to neither the right to seize and appropriate the territory of a third, which is even neutral, much less which is an associate in the war, as the United States was with Spain,(1) citing Grotius, Puffendorf, and Vattel.

“Again, Mr. Pinckney, on August 10, 1795, wrote to the Duke of Alcudia, among other matters, as follows: 


"’But it has been said (referring to the contention Spain that she was entitled to retain territory within the limits of the United States, the possession of which was obtained by her during the war against Great Britain) that Spain had pretensions for possessing the limits above mentioned by the right of conquest, her troops having, during the war, seized a certain portion of territory beyond that limit; but the answer to this pretension is a simple and as conclusive as that just developed, which is, that the territory conquered must have belonged, before the war, either to the United States or to Great Britain. If it belonged to the United States it is very clear that Spain could have no right to make conquests on a nation with whom she was not at war, and I will not, for a single moment, admit an idea so disrespectful to Spain as to imagine that she could pretend to be the friend of the United States; to have helped them in the war; to have even lent them money for maintaining it at the same time she was depriving them of their property.’2 

“As will be seen on a careful examination of the foregoing citations, the cases cited are to all intents parallel with that before us. Spain was, during the American Revolution, engaged in warfare with Great Britain, from which country the United States was seeking independence, as were the Filipinos in the recent war with Spain, and she had by her arms obtained possession of portions of the United States. Her right to them was denied successfully by America. The only possible difference between the two cases is that in the first, possession was claimed by virtue of conquest, and as to the Philippines, the United States claims possession by virtue of cession from an expelled power; but whether the apparent title be based upon conquest or cession, it is clearly shown by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Pinckney that it is contrary to the law of nations for one nation engaged in a common cause with another to despoil its associate. Mr. Pinckney thought the idea of such a thing disrespectful to Spain and was unable to imagine that she could pretend to be a friend of the United States and to have helped them while at the same time, she was seeking to rob them of their property(2).

“That the view taken by Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Pinckney was the correct view is shown by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the case of Harcourt v. Gailliard, 12 Wheaton, p. 523: 


"’War," says the Supreme Court, "is a suit prosecuted by the sword, and where the question to be decided is one of original claim to territory, grants of title made flagrante bello by the party that fails, can only derive validity from treaty stipulation.’ 

“We have before us a case of a grant of territory undertaken to be made by Spain during the existence of a war between her and the Philippine Islands, such a grant as the Supreme Court of the United States, under parallel circumstances stated, could only derive validity by reason of treaty stipulation, meaning, in the case before the Supreme Court, treaty stipulation between England and America, and meaning as to the present case, treaty stipulation between the Philippine Islands and Spain.

“I venture to summarize the foregoing as follows:


“1. The United States, not having received from the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands authority to pass laws affecting them, its legislation as to their welfare, I respectfully submit, possesses no binding force as against my people.


“2. American authorities herein cited demonstrate that the Philippine Revolution was never more threatening than immediately before the breaking out of the Spanish-American War, 5,000 revolutionists being encamped near Manila three weeks before the American declaration of war, this army acting (though he was personally absent) under the direction of General Aguinaldo, in whom the consular representatives of the United States reposed the highest confidence.


“3. The purpose of the revolution was independence, and, understanding this, the United States encouraged the revolutionists to believe their desires would attain fruition. This is shown by citations from the archives of the State Department and the incidents above related.


“4. The Philippine Republic was entitled to receive from the United States recognition as an independent nation before the signing of the protocol with Spain, that Government knowing that Philippine independence had been proclaimed in June, a Government de facto and de jure established, laws promulgated, and Spain's further domination impossible, being acquainted with all these facts immediately upon their happening, through documents and written reports submitted to it by its officers.


“5. The American Government for months has had in its possession, as herein shown, evidence of the actual independence of the Filipinos.


“6. Spain could not deliver possession of the Philippines to the United States, being herself ousted by their people, and in fact at the present moment the United States holds only an entrenched camp, controlling 143 square miles, with 300,000 people, while the Philippine Republic represents the destinies of nearly 10,000,000 souls, scattered over an area approaching 200,000 square miles.


“7. Spain having no possession (except minor garrison posts), and no right of possession in the Philippines, could confer no right to control them.


“8. American purchase of buildings, etc. in the Philippine Islands was ineffective, because the Islands, having been lost by Spain to the Philippine Republic, the last-named Government had already by conquest acquired public property.


“9. Secretaries of State of your country (including Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Pinckney) have denied the right of an ally of America to acquire by conquest from Great Britain any American territory while America was struggling for independence. The United States Supreme Court has sustained this view. We deny similarly the right of the United States to acquire Philippine territory by cession from Spain while the Filipinos were yet at war with that power.


“I conclude this communication with the expression of the earnest hope that the representations I have thus ventured to make to you, will receive your serious consideration before you finally act upon the treaty that contains so much of consequence to my people, and if you do this, as I cannot for a moment doubt you will, in the spirit that has ever characterized your deliberations when discussing questions affecting the lives and liberties of individuals or of nations, I am assured that the just and high aspirations of my countrymen will receive the prompt recognition and approval of your honorable body.

 

“Respectfully submitted


“FELIPE AGONCILLO


“Footnotes:

“(1)American State Papers, Foreign Relations Vol. 1, p. 252.

“(2)American State Papers, Foreign Relations, Vol. 1, p. 538.”