The Aftermath of the Filipino-American War

(This write-up is identical to the article with the same title found on pages 8296-311 of the book entitled "The Filipino Tragedy and Other Historical Facts Every Filipino Should Know," published by the author.  The sources and references indicated here are contained on pages 402-415 of the book.)

In 1904, while Macario Sakay, Felizardo, Montalan and several other "ladrones" (the label used by the Americans on remnants of Filipino revolutionary forces) were still actively roaming the Philippine countrysides, and, once in while, conducting raids on isolated American garrisons, the conditions in the Philippines were described as one of desolation wrought by war.

The hold-outs: Macario Sakay and his officers

(Source: Wikimedia Commons - public domain)

U.S. Major General Nelson A. Miles - highly decorated civil war hero, famous Indian war conciliator, bloodless taker of Puerto Rico- visited the islands in 1903 and wrote this observation in his report to the Secretary of War:

“In going from Calamba to Batangas … I noticed that the country appeared to have been devastated, large sections lying waste, and in the thirty-eight miles ride I did not notice any of the large fields under cultivation. Small patches of ground were being cultivated, but I should not think enough to supply food for the people that I saw along the road. It was all open country, and easy of observation. The people appeared to be more depressed than in any other section of the archipelago. There were but very few men along the road. (Miles, 6)

General Miles regretted he came in too late in Philippine affairs as it was no longer possible for him to do something to prevent the conflict with the Filipinos. After his retirement, General Miles became an active member of the American Anti-Imperialist League.

Another visitor to the islands made this remark:

“I drove through Albay Province, and I found 300,000 people reconcentrated, hemp rotting in the fields, homes empty, and not a human being outside the lines - all-punished because some 300 men are in the mountains as ladrones or insurrectos. I submit that this was not justice - that it was not even a justifiable war measure. (Doherty,16)

A more in-depth analysis was rendered by Prof. H. Parker Willis, of Washington and Lee University, Lexington, Va., and published in the New York Evening Post on October 28, 1904, which was made an appendix to the speech of Senator H.E. Carmack of Tennessee in the Senate of the United States, December 10, 1904 (Carmack, 1).  Willis' report attributed the appalling conditions to economic prostration, depressed agriculture, reconcentration, severe penal and judicial practices, excesses of the native constabulary, control of the press by intimidation, and the maintenance of the most expensive administration the islands have ever known.

Here is the report of Prof. Willis referred above:

GENERAL SUMMARY

As General Davis mildly states the situation (Report, 1903, p. 31): "Americans in the Philippines have not so far been an unmixed blessing to the native inhabitants." We have, in fact, destroyed the public buildings of the country, inflicted continuous crop losses, during a period of six years; ravaged and burned large sections of territory; produced conditions leading to the death of most of the farm animals and to serious human and animal epidemics; brought foreign trade to an unprofitable condition by our tariff legislation; inaugurated a tremendously expensive government for the benefit of foreign officeholders; established a partisan judiciary; crowded the prisons, and deported or sent to the gallows the best and most patriotic of the native leaders.

PHILIPPINE CONDITIONS

The prominence given by Secretary Taft to the Philippine question, and his assurance that satisfactory progress toward better things is being made in the Islands may lead persons who have not closely examined this subject to believe that Insular conditions are all that they should, or at least all that they can be. A recent visit to the islands, extended through some four months and covering a wide field of observation, has not only led to a conviction on my part that this opinion is unfounded, but, further, I am satisfied that it is in all essential respects at variance with the facts. They are otherwise than as Secretary Taft represents them to be - quite otherwise.

This statement is not intended to reflect on Mr. Taft's sincerity, but is made in the belief that the principles on which the Philippine Commission is organized necessarily prohibit its members, and particularly its head, from either coming into close touch with the natives or fully realizing the nature of conditions for which they themselves are responsible.

There can he no doubt that the general public of the United States is under grave misapprehension concerning the situation in the Philippines. Erroneous statements as to what has actually been done in the archipelago have been constantly put before them from many sources. They may well be described as "given to strong delusion, wholly believing a lie." If they could realize the state of affairs in those Islands now prevailing, they would be terrified at the desolation wrought by war and disgusted at the failure of our "civil government" to lay even the foundation for improvement.

ECONOMIC PROSTRATION

The Philippine Islands are to-day absolutely prostrated economically and politically. Hardly any undertaking is being successfully conducted. According to unpublished figures furnished by the internal revenue office of Manila, about 5,000 licenses to do business have been issued to American individuals and firms during the period of our occupation. Of these firms and individuals all except some 800 have failed or withdrawn from business, or about 84 per cent of the total. The survivors include chiefly the very smallest establishments, such as boarding houses, saloons, etc. It appears that hardly more than half a dozen American firms of recognized capital are at this time actually doing business in Manila. The population of the city, formerly same 266,000 persons, has fallen (census 1904) to 219,900, owing largely to depressed business. Simultaneously with this decline a heavy decrease in the American population has occurred (from 6,462 in 1901 to 4,389 in 1904). During this past summer at least three of the chief American business enterprises either failed or withdrew from the field. A steady and positive decline in all branches of trade with the United States is now in progress, as partially illustrated by the fact that for the seven months ending July, 1904, the shipments of domestic merchandise from the United States to the Philippines were $2,530,899, as against $2,593,924 for the corresponding months a year earlier, while the shipments merchandises from the Philippines to the United States were $5,978,148 for these same seven months, as against $7,337,532 a year earlier. Relations between the United States and the Philippines under the tariff act passed by Congress in 1902 are so difficult that there is no reason to anticipate the building up of any satisfactory trade between the islands and the United States either now or in the future. Recent shipping legislation has depressed the interisland trade still further, both actively and by anticipation. To-day a large fleet of Philippine steam vessels is anchored off Cavite with absolutely no occupation. The fleet is daily growing in size.

While the conditions in trade with our own country are thus discouraging, there is not warrant for the belief that the general outlook is more favorable. Much have been said by American administrators of a recent growth in exports and imports as indicating increased prosperity, but there is certainly no such inference to be drawn from the figures. Between 1899 and 1903 gross imports of merchandise increased about two and one-half times, but imports of food and animals quadrupled, the growth in this item being due to rice purchases for the support of the starving peasants and draft animals designed to replace those destroyed by war and rinderpest. Manufactured goods imported fell off largely between 1901 and 1903, showing a decline in productive business and articles of luxury, etc., more than doubled between 1899 and 1903, showing nothing more than a demand for such goods made by government employees of the islands. The growth in exports (chiefly hemp) is due simply to a partial restoration of peace and consequent resumption of regular dealings.

The trade conditions observable at Manila and other ports are merely a reflection of what may be witnessed in the interior. A journey through the provinces cannot help giving a most discouraging impression. Many towns, formerly well built, and destroyed during the war by some of the various armies, have been only partially, and even then hardly, rebuilt. Churches are in ruins; whole villages here and there lie waste. In many parts of Luzon the roads and trails, nearly impassable, are daily falling into worse condition. Barring one initial appropriation of about $1,000,000 and some recent appropriations from the Congressional relief fund, nothing has been done by the central government in road making except to sink some $800,000 in attempting what seems to be an impossible road to the summer resort at Benguet. The bridges blown up or otherwise destroyed have in few instances been replaced. It is the common opinion that land travel is more difficult and slower than ever before.

CONDITION OF AGRICULTURE

The increasingly depressed state of agriculture in these rice growing islands can be realized by a review of the importations of rice during the past four years. These have been as follows (Report 1904, p. 48)

1901 ...........................................................$3,113,423
1901 ............................................................5,400,958
1902 ............................................................6,578,481
1903 ...........................................................10,061,323

This growth in the imports of rice is attributed by Philippine farmers not to changes in agriculture, initiated by Governor Taft, but to three causes: (1) The almost total loss of their farm animals (estimated officially at 90 per cent due to war and rinderpest; (2) injury done to irrigation systems during the war; (3) the scarcity of adult male labor as a result of the war. The "disproportionate number of women and children" consequent upon the war is still noticeable. Most of these farmers are now drawing on their savings or are borrowing at rate averaging at least 20 per cent in order to get subsistence and pay their taxes. The imposition of heavy land taxes in the provinces by the Commission has led to a general expropriation in some quarters. In others the suffering has been so intense that the Commission has had to suspend the tax in default of putting up for sale the bulk of the landed property of the province. In some provinces hundreds of pieces of property, many of them not exceeding 2 acres each, have been scheduled for sale. No machinery for providing loanable capital has been introduced by the Commission, and the requirement that land shall be registered at a heavy fee in order to prove titles is working great immediate hardship.

The depression in rice culture is paralleled for a different reason in the growth of sugar. Sugar could be raised with much less reliance on animal labor than could rice; but the American tariff situation absolutely forbids the possibility of making a profit on it. Planters state that under present tariff duties they can barely cover the cost of production. Tobacco is in a suffering condition, owing to new tariff duties in several eastern countries. Hemp is the only article in which prosperous conditions of production now exist; but its cultivation must always be narrowly limited to certain soils and localities. Parallel with the bad trade and agricultural outlook has come a great increase in cost of living, which is now fully double its former amount in some places. So hard has it been to get even a bare subsistence that the population has become greatly reduced in vitality and has fallen an easy prey to the series of terrible epidemics of the past three years. The Philippine tariff on imported commodities is so arranged as practically forbid imports of agricultural machinery, and the Commission professes to be unable to change it without Congressional consent.

SUFFERING AND DISSATISFACTION

Partly owing to the bad industrial prospect, to actual suffering, and to intense and permanent dissatisfaction with existing political arrangements the unrest of the country continue to increase. When President McKinley sent the Philippine Commission to the islands he furnished a certain clear-cut instructions as to the line of conduct it should pursue.

"The Commission," he wrote (April 7, 1900), "should bear in mind *** that there are certain great principles of government which have been made the basis of our governmental system, which we deem essential to the rule of law and the maintenance of individual freedom; *** that there are also certain practical rules of government which we have found to be essential to the preservation of these great principles of liberty and law, and that these principles and these rules of government must be established and maintained in the islands. *** Upon every division and branch of the government of the Philippines, therefore, must be imposed these inviolable rules;

"That no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law; that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation; that in all criminal prosecution the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence; that excessive bail shall not be required nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishment inflicted; that no person shall be put twice in jeopardy for the same offense or be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; *** that no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or of the rights of the people peaceably to assemble and petition free exercise and enjoyment of religious profession and worship without discrimination or preference shall forever be allowed."

Have these instructions been fulfilled? Although the islands have now for about three years been under the full control of what is technically known as a "civil government" there are certain facts which indicate that the term "civil" is a misnomer. It is further true that this term is becoming progressively less and less applicable to the administration of the Philippines. Notwithstanding that in the beginning many of the provinces were organized as civil governments, it has been thought necessary now and again to substitute a politico-military government, and to-day at least six of the provinces are still organized on that basis. Extreme military methods for controlling the population are provided for by law and their application in certain cases authorized. Of these the most marked is what is known as " reconcentration.

RECONCENTRATION

The use of this plan for reducing a population to submission is authorized by section 6 of the Commission's act No. 781, further organizing the constabulary, in the following words:

"In provinces which are infested to such an extent with ladrones or outlaws that the lives and property of residents in the outlying barrios are rendered wholly insecure by continued predatory raids, and such outlying barrios thus furnish to the ladrones or outlaws their source of food supply * * * it shall be within the power of the civil governor, upon resolution of the Commission, to authorize the provincial governor to order that the residents of such outlying barrios be temporarily brought within stated proximity to the poblacion or larger barrios."

It is a fact that no recent year has passed without the application of this policy on a large scale. In 1902 it was undertaken in the region about Lake Taal, comprising parts of Laguna and Batangas provinces. It then affected not less that 100,000 people, according to the report of Colonel Wagner, who inspected the camps (S. Doc. 331, 37th Cong. 1st Sess. pt. 3 p. 2873), each of which included from 8,000 to 14,000 persons. During 1903 the same plan was pursued in Albay, where very large areas were entirely deprived of population, the inhabitants being herded in camps like those of Batangas. During the current year reconcentration has been ordered for Samar (executive order of August 15) throughout a region including about 20,000 inhabitants.

Besides the official application of the policy on a large scale, other instances have occurred. Several camps now exist in Cavite, and, not long since, reconcentration was tried in Tayabas, without official authority, according to Ex-Governor Taft. It is beyond the question, from the testimony of both natives and Americans who are conversant with the workings of reconcentration, that its effects are most disatrous, causing widespread suffering. In the camps food is distributed only when extreme want requires it, work on the roads being sparingly furnished to those who are able thus to supply themselves with rations. The lack of house accomodations and the scarcity of food, as well as the overcrowding of the inmates of the camp, have invariably caused marked increase in mortality. At the same time there has been a tremendous loss of crops and houses throughout the districts in which reconcentration has taken place. The hemp losses chargeable to reconcentration in Albay are estimated by Mr. Taft at from 10,000,000 to 12,000,000 pesos, or $5,000,000 to $6,000,000 United States (Report, 1901, p. 32), an enormous loss when the limited character of native resources is considered.

Even this estimate is certainly too low, and would have to be largely increased if other commodities besides hemp should be considered. A vastly larger loss was unquestionably inflicted upon the province of Batangas, which has the appearance of being wholly ruined, owing to the destruction of coconut and other trees. The authorities speak of the treatment accorded to this province as a "severe lesson," and there is in the Philippines none of the familiar pretense that reconcentration operations can be carried on without hardship of the most terrible character.

Total losses of crops left without tendance in the reconcentrated districts, of houses burned by the careless or malicious soldiery, and general ruin to fixed capital, necessarily result in most serious suffering when the inmates of the camps are released and find themselves deprived even of the scanty support furnished them while in confinement. The natives had become so accustomed to the use of reconcentration by the Spaniards that they regarded it as a matter of course in time of war. They resent very bitterly, however, the pretense that civil government exist when such methods are employed; and this is the first complaint usually made by intelligent Filipinos, when questioned concerning reconcentration. They feel that Mr. McKinley's "rules" ordering that "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law, and that private property shall not be taken for public use without just compensation," have been violated.

SEVERE LEGISLATION

The readiness of the Commission to make the whole population suffer for the acts of a small body of insurgents or ladrones is further shown in the operations under act No. 378 and its subsequent modifications. The act imposes the penalty of death, or at least twenty years' imprisonment, for membership in a ladrone band, providing that "to prove the crime *** it shall not be necessary to adduce evidence that any member of the band has in fact committed robbery or theft. A further provision (Sec. 4) specifies taht "Every person knowingly aiding or abetting such a band of brigands *** by giving them information *** or by securing supplies of food, clothing, arms or ammunition *** shall *** be punished by imprisonment for not less than ten years." This legislation has been carried further by Act No. 1121, which enlarges the number of commodities, theft of which constitute "highway robbery," and gives a broader scope to the kinds of assistance that may be rendered to such a band. It is not now safe to give even the traditional cup of cold water to a suspected ladrone. The object of this whole series of acts, like the use of the reconcentration policy, has been to bring into subjection an unsympathetic population, and to render peaceful people responsible for the acts of a less submissive element. It is the testimony of capable American lawyers in Manila that under existing law it is entirely possible to convict any human being in the archipelago of "bandolerismo" (the local name for membership in or assistance to organized bands of insurrectionists), without regard to guilt. That such conviction can be secured is, in fact, the open boast of some constabulary officials. Filipinos believe that these statutes are inharmonious with the "great principles of government *** which we deem essential to the rule and the maintenance of individual freedom."

How effective this legislation has been may be seen from the situation in the Bilibid prison. From September 1, 1902 to September 1, 1903, there was a growth of nearly 100 per cent in the population of this institution, the number confined on the latter date being 3,184. On a recent date (May 23, 1904) this number had risen to 4,420, a growth in less than nine months of 1,236 persons, or about 40 per cent. The net inward movement was then estimated by the authorities at 8 to 10 persons per day, which would mean a gross annual increase of 2,800 to 3,500. The total number of persons confined August 31, 1903, on charges of "aiding insurrection, brigandage, conspiracy, highway robbery, illegal custody of arms, rebellion, sedition, violation of oath of allegiance, violation of laws of war, violation of articles of war, and treason," was 1,093. These offenses do not include such crimes as murder, homicide, or theft, but represent the number of men confined for what we consider strictly political offenses. In other words, about one-third of all these prisoners were confined because of their connection with revolutionary movements. Supposing that the rate of increase in this class of prisoners had been the same as the ratio of growth in the total prison population, and eliminating 414 petty police-court offenders, it appears that fully 50 per cent of all long-time convicts now in Bilibid are confined for such political offenses. On a recent date the number of men confined in Bilibid who had been sentenced and were awaiting capital punishment was 100.

STATE OF JUDICIARY

In bringing about these convictions, and in harshly enforcing the harsh legislation already referred to, responsiblity must be divided between the judiciary and the constabulary. The judges have for the most part been under the thumb of the Commission, or incompetent and disposed to convict without sufficient evidence.

The defective character of the judiciary of the islands has been fully recognized by authoritative writers. Mr. Colquhoun, the English author of a recent book, Greater America, speaks of it (p. 343) as a well-known fact, and other foreigners fully agree with him. We, in fact, took to the islands a body of judges for the lower courts, many of whom knew little American, and no Spanish, law; who were ignorant of the Spanish language, and who had never heard the native dialects. The evil features of the present situation seem to be as follows:

(1) The judiciary act (No. 136) contains no provision for the length of tenure of judges in courts of first instance, and no process by which they may be publicly impeached and removed from office. They hold their places subject to the will of the Commission.

(2) Few of them speak and understand Spanish, and they are consequently able to follow the testimony in the courts only with great difficulty. This is a notorious fact.

(3) A system of venal or incompetent interpreters has been developed, through whose errors or corruption many innocent men are brought into jeopardy. Numerous cases of the sort can be cited.

(4) The Commission has assumed the privilege in some cases of suggesting to the judge in advance the direction to be taken by his verdict. Cases of this kind are vouched for by two high officers of the Philippine government, by one ex-judge, by prominent lawyers in Manila, and by intelligent natives.

(5) No legislation or precedent exists whereby judges are distributed according to a known system, so that it is customary to bring a judge of well known ultra administration sympathies to try a case where a certain kind of verdict is wanted. Some judges have been permanently transferred to another district as a kind of penalty for anti-administration verdicts. Some have been asked to resign; others have been ostracized, and thereby forced to resign and leave the islands. A review of the names of the judges appointed during the last three years and their later history fully illustrates this statement. It should be added that in revising the Spanish substantive law we have eliminated most of its characteristics features and have left it a medly of heterogeneous provisions drawn from American State systems, and roughly put together for a bench most of whose members knew no Spanish law. In Americanizing the law of the islands we have, however, omitted the principles of trial by jury, and other protections to individual rights. The present confusion is keenly felt by the best Spanish and Filipino lawyers and by the most informed of our judges. No more drastic criticism on the work of our legal revisionists could be penned that the "Notes to the Spanish Civil Code," lately published by Judge Willard, formerly of the Philippine bench. The bad judicial and legal situation was fully presented to Mr. Taft before he left the islands by eminent members of Manila bar, but he failed to take action, suggesting political motives for the criticisms.

CONSTABULARY SITUATION

In close connection with the status of the judiciary should be considered some of the recent developments in the organization of the native constabulary. In organizing this force (Act No. 175) it was provided that its members should be drawn from the province where stationed, thus giving it the character of local police. This policy is highly praised by Governor Wright in his most recent report as secretary of commerce and police. The plan has, however, been entirely vitiated by the act of congress passed January 30, 1903, whereby the use of the Philippine Scouts under command of the chief constabulary, was ordered. These scouts are chiefly Macabebes and Ilocanos, and they have uniformly been stationed in provinces toward which they feel strong racial antipathy. Moreover, the rule that the constabulary should be recruited in the provinces where they were to serve seems to have been frequently violated. As time has gone on, too, the constabulary has approximated much more closely to the military type, and has lost its original character as a police force. Its members have ceased to live among the people or in their own homes, have been gathered into barracks, placed upon a basis of military pay and rations, and are now substantially a military force like the scouts. They are described as "peace officers," but are authorized to arrest men "without warrant." Constabulary officers are to two classes – old soldiers elevated from the ranks of the regulars, and young, inexperienced men brough from the United States. Under the first class of officers serious abuses and hardships have been inflicted upon the population. Under the second class evils of disorganization and laxity have become prevalent.

At various points the constabulary or scouts have inflicted torture, as in Cavite; done violence to women, as in Isabela Province, and committed cold-blooded murder, as also in Isabela; arrested men without warrant and instituted unreasonable searches and seizures, as in Cavite; have stolen personal property, or taken it without payment, as in Masbate and elsewhere, or have grossly violated public order, as in Cebu. The foregoing practices are mentioned because the abuses in each and every case there referred to can be established by the testimony of reliable eyewitnesses. Trustworthy Philippine lawyers affirm that there are hundreds of men all over the islands who are confined by the constables without any warrant of law. It is certain that the irritation aroused among the people by constabulary outrages is nearly universal. In fact, the uniform reply to questions concerning the constabulary situation is that the force is "as bad as the Guardia Civil" of Spanish time – a verdict than which none more severe could be imagined. It deserves to be added that the hardships inflicted by the constabulary have not been directed against the ladrones, but against the peaceful inhabitants. Ladronism still continues in different regions, apparently in some cases through the connivance of the constabulary. The constables have been vastly more active in campaigning against insurrectos that against those ladrones whose only motive was robbery. In the former case, they have when able to surround a small band, often butchered them without quarter, as in the case of the force of General San Miguel, which was literally cut to pieces toward the end of 1903. General Allen, chief of the constabulary, states, in conversation, that the records of this bureau are "filled with complaints against the force," but he never finds that the charges have any foundation. This is attributable to the fact that constabulary abuses are always investigated and reported upon by constabulary officers, usually belonging to the very locality where the abuses complained of have been committed. It is only by outside investigators that the facts can be established. This makes it the more to be regretted that the Commission has almost uniformly refused to investigate charges of this sort directly.

CONTROL OF PUBLIC OPINION

The great difficulty encountered in correcting abuses prevalent in the Philippines to-day probably lies in the absence of freedom of speech or of the press. Act No. 292, known as the 'sedition act," provides that "if two or more persons conspire to overthrow, put down, or destroy by force the Government of the United States in the Philippine Islands *** such persons shall be punished by a fine of not more than $5,000 and by imprisonment, with or without hard labor, for a period not more than six years." Under this act, and by the use of the constabulary spies, it has become unsafe for private persons to attend social gatherings, or express political opinions in their homes. Expressions by letter are usually dangerous owing to the searching of the mail – a process which, it is thought by Senior del Pan, of Manila bar, in his argument on the recent Lukban case, has been carried vastly further, and has been more arbitrarily used, than under the Spanish administration. While prosecutions under the sedition act are chiefly directed against natives, restraint of the Americans is mainly carried under Act No. 227, known as the "criminal libel act." This law defines a libel as a "malicious defamation," and specifies that the truth of the libel shall not constitute a defense unless it shall be shown that publication was made "with good motives and for justifiable ends," a point not easily to be established before Philippine courts. The provision of this act, taken in connection with those of the sedition act, are such as to make it practically impossible to express an opinion adverse to the administration or any member of it without becoming liable to prosecution.

In cases where a critic is too influential, or where his criticisms and charges are too carefully phrased to admit of prosecuting him, a process of ostracism takes place which is usually very effective, as Manila society consists chiefly of officeholders who take their bias directly from those in authority. An American bishop stationed in Manila expresses in conversation the opinion that the "impatience of criticism shown by the Commission" is one of the most disastrous features of the present Philippine situation. The hostility of the higher authorities, he asserts, is visited upon preachers who venture to criticize a member of the Commission or any of its policies. In the recently concluded "O'brien libel case" the two defendants, who conducted a newspaper in Manila, were sent to prison on the ground that they had published a report of some court proceedings containing statements unfavorable to the defendant, who happened to be a member of the Commission. It was admitted that the report was correct; but the technical point was made that the headlines did not accurately describe the substance of the article.

In recent decisions handed down by courts of first instance in Manila, heavy penalties, including both fine and imprisonment, have been awarded not only to the author and producer, but even to the actors in the play, "Hindi Aco Patay," a dramatic production of an allegorical character, in which Philippine independence was hinted at.

A process of buying the good will of publications through the award of Government advertising and other favors has been used to supplement the methods of intimidation already suggested. The expression of opinion through the agency of political parties has also been placed under severe restrictions. The Nationalist party, which attained a considerable degree of strength about two years ago, was destroyed by prosecutions directed against important men in the organization. Under purely technical attacks in the form of its constitution, a workingmen's union was recently driven out of existence because of the belief that its purpose "was primarily political." These statements are vouched for by the prosecuting officers of our Government in Manila, who freely admit the ulterior purpose of the prosecutions in question. During the past summer efforts were made to recast the platform of the Federal party in such wise as to demand independence. The revised draft was shown to members of the Commission as a precaution, and these gentlemen requested its suppression on the ground that "it would embarrass Mr. Taft just at this time." The platform never appeared in print.

Do these conditions agree with President McKinley's "rule" that "no law shall be passed abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or of the rights of the people peaceably *** to petition the Government for a redress of grievances?"

COST OF ADMINISTRATION

The system of government just described has not been the merit of economy. It is by far the most expensive government the island has ever known. The Schurman Commission (Report, vol. 1, p. 80) gave the annual receipts of the Spanish Government in 1894-95 as $13,379,900 Mexican, of which sum about $9,000,000 was derived from internal taxes. The new internal revenue law of the Philippines just passed is estimated to produce from $10,000,000 to $11,000,000 and is apologized for by its authors as "no worse than the Spanish." The Schurman Commission quotes (page 79) expenditures of the Spanish Government in 1894-95 as $13,280,130, of which sum $4,045,061 was for war and $2,450,176 for navy, the balance – some $6,700,600 – being civil outlay. As against this sum it may be noted that our outlay for the year 1903 on strictly civil expenses was about $22,000,000 Mexican currency. To this should also be added probably $2,000,000 for the cost of provincial administration and a somewhat greater sum deducted for permanent improvements. Conversely, there should be large reductions in the "civil outlay" noted above for the Spanish Government, as that figure includes the cost of carrying on the church, some diplomatic expenses and other items. Without going into these changes in the accounts in detail, it may be stated that the cost of our civil administration is from three to five times as heavy as that of the Spaniards – yet the Schurman Commission complained of the Spanish administration on the ground of "costliness."

Nor can the indictment of the expense incident to Philippine administration stop with local conditions in the islands. The Philippines are tremendously expensive to the United States. According to Gen. George W. Davis (Report Div. of Phil., 1903, p. 50), the annual cost of the army and navy in the Philippines in actual cash is at least $21,000,000 gold. This estimate was based upon a force (scouts and Americans) of about 23,000 men. As the present force is probably 3,000 men smaller, a reduction of corresponding amount must be made. This, however, is far more than offset by the cost of the Philippine mail service, which falls largely on the United States; of the army transports, both trans-Pacific and interisland; by the facts that tropical service counts double time toward retirement for enlisted men; that claims for pensions are more numerous as a result of such service; that many army officers are now serving in the Philippine government at the cost of the United States; and that in a variety of ways, the islands are a continuous draft on our Treasury. Conservative estimators place the present annual money cost of the Philippines to the United States at not less than $25,000,000.

Nor does the money laid out for civil expenses "go largely to Filipinos." as often claimed. A review of the personnel of the government, during the past three years shows that the number of Americans holding civil offices in 1903 was 3,458, as against 2,777 in 1902, and 2,044 in 1901, while the number of Filipinos for these three years was 3,318, 2697 and 2562, respectively. In other words, there were employed in 1901 25 per cent more natives than American, while in 1902 the natives were about 3 per cent less numerous than the Americans and 4 per cent less numerous in 1903. In the latter year the 3,318 Filipino employees drew aggregate salaries of $1,497,610, while the 3,455 Americans drew $4,284,482.

SOURCES:

1. Carmack, Edward Ward: "Conditions in Philippines: Appendix to speech of Hon. E. W. Carmack ... in the Senate of the United States, December 16, 1904, [Washington: s.n., 1904], Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Library 2005, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/ADT4630.0001.001

2. Doherty, David Jessu: "Conditions in the Philippines," [Washington: Govt. print. off., 1904]; Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Library 2005, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/ADT4579.0001.001

3. Miles, Nelson A.: "Philippines: Report by Lieutenant General Nelson A. Miles,” Boston Anti-Imperialist League, 1909, Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan Library 2005, http://name.umdl.umich.edu/ADT4878.0001.001

The Failed Diplomacy of the Aguinaldo Goverment

(This write-up is identical to the article with the same title found on pages 279-283 of the book entitled "The Filipino Tragedy and Other Historical Facts Every Filipino Should Know," published by the author.  The sources and references indicated here are contained on pages 402-415 of the book.)

Among the essential steps Aguinaldo took shortly after the declaration of Philippine independence on June 12, 1898, was the creation of the diplomatic corps to work for the recognition of the new Philippine Republic by the foreign governments.

 Galicano Apacible

Galicano Apacible was appointed as head of the foreign service on June 23, 1898, along with prominent propagandists such as Rafael del Pan, Antonio Regidor, Sixto Roxas, Mariano Ponce, and Jose Basa as members.

Apacible's credentials were impressive even by contemporary standards. A Filipino patriot and propagandist from Balayan, Batangas, and a cousin of Dr. Jose Rizal, he was a physician trained at the University of Barcelona and an active member of the La Solidaridad in Spain. He collaborated with the likes of Marcelo H. del Pilar and Graciano Lopez Jaena and organized the Comite Central Filipino, a Filipino propaganda group in Hong Kong during the revolution against Spain.

The diplomatic work was distributed with Apacible concentrating in Europe to give way to Felipe Agoncillo, who was handpicked by Aguinaldo to be the plenipotentiary to the United States. Ponce was stationed in Japan, while del Pan and Lopez assisted Agoncillo in the United States, Regidor in Spain, and Basa, in Hongkong.

On September 5, 1899, Apacible advised the Revolutionary Government that there were two ways open, one was to continue the struggle until Bryan was elected United States president, and the other was to deal directly with President McKinley. It was decided to try both ways. (Kalaw-Maximo[Development], 242)

Apacible himself went to Toronto, Canada, by way of Europe. With the help of Rafael del Pan and Sixto Lopez, he continued the work left behind by Agoncillo in North America, hoping to negotiate with the McKinley administration or with the leading figures of the Democratic Party.

From Canada, he issued an appeal to the American people, that they listen to the voice of the Filipinos; he reaffirmed that the Filipinos were not savages as heretofore presented to the American people and were fit for self-government; he decried the unequal treatment from the McKinley administration which granted the Cubans their independence but denying the same to the Filipinos.

"What would America do with nine million Filipinos?" asked Apacible in his leaflet, To the American People, an appeal. Would America allow them to become citizens, or would the Filipinos be held as subjects in an American colony? Apacible said that in the former case, Filipinos would compete for jobs with native and black Americans, and the cheaper labor could be utilized by American corporations to undersell similar products manufactured in the United States. On the other hand, if the Philippines were kept as a colony, it would smear America's image as a bastion of freedom and democracy.

Apacible's APPEAL did not produce any positive results because the American public believed and even reelected President McKinley. The latter's victory signaled the defeat of Philippine independence because it signified the American people's affirmation of McKinley's claim that Divine Providence had placed upon the United States a sacred mission, that of civilizing and preparing the Filipinos for self-government.

However, despite the press censorship in Manila, the American public slowly came to realize the real situation in the Philippines through the letters of American soldiers to their families describing the horrors and atrocities of the war, which were published in local newspapers. Some U.S. senators began to take an interest in Philippine affairs and initiated Senate investigations on the conduct of the war. Their findings confirmed what Apacible and the Anti-Imperialist group in the U.S. had been complaining about.

The last part of the APPEAL states that the war in the Philippines will immediately end if the Americans will respect the aspirations of the Filipinos for their independence. In exchange for this recognition, the Filipinos offered to do the following: pay back the $20 million that the United States paid to Spain under the treaty of Paris, give the Americans suitable coaling stations, and conclude a treaty of mutually-beneficial commercial relations.

Apacible's proposed settlement was ignored by the McKinley administration, and the Philippines became a U.S. colony for 50 years. Right after World War II, the Philippines signed with the United States what looked like Apacible's proposal 50 years before - a military bases treaty to keep and hold Subic and Clark Field, to name only the major ones, for 99 years as U.S. naval and air force facilities; and, the so-called "parity rights" under the Laurel-Langley trade agreement that gave the Americans equal rights as Filipinos in commerce as well as in the exploitation of natural resources of the country.

Apacible's arguments that the United States would not benefit by retaining the Philippine islands was echoed by a critic of the American imperialist policy, viz:

"To sum up —the islands are a source of expense and trouble to the American people as a whole, and our occupation thus far, has been injurious to the native inhabitants. There is no advantage accruing to us from their retention which cannot be gained through reasonable trade and military arrangements with our possible successors. The only possible economic argument for continuing in the administration of the islands is found in the interests of those who want especially favourable terms for getting access to the lands, mines, etc., of the archipelago. To give any weight whatever to this argument would be to place the interests of a very limited class of moneyed commercial exploiters above those of the American nation as a whole." (Willis, 440)

 Apart from its historical value, the "Appeal" is a literary masterpiece in superb prose. Many Filipinos who went through high school during the fifty's and sixty's would recall how their brighter classmates would memorize Lincoln's address at Gettysburg for a provincial declamation or oratorical contest. Perhaps their minds had been so accustomed to American arts and literature that it never occurred to them that somewhere in the dustbins of history, a passionate, patriotic cry - Apacible's "To the American People an Appeal" - lay unnoticed and unread, waiting to be exhumed from ignominy and laid to rest in the minds of the Filipino youth, where it deserves its rightful place.

 Felipe Agoncillo

On August 26, 1898, Felipe Agoncillo, the head of the Filipino junta in Hongkong, was instructed by Aguinaldo to proceed to Washington to gain the support of President William H. McKinley for the new Philippine government.

In a separate mission, Felipe Agoncillo was tasked with participating in the Paris peace negotiations between the United States and Spain, but he needed U.S. President William McKinley's accreditation as the official Filipino government representative.

The mission was doomed from the very start because Agoncillo was going to deal with the administration of U.S. President William McKinley, whose policy favored the acquisition and colonization of the Philippines. Agoncillo was not received by McKinley in Washington as a duly constituted representative of the Philippine government, nor was he accorded official representation to enable him to participate in the Paris conference.

Failing to get accreditation from McKinley, he rushed to Paris to present the case of the Filipinos before the peace commissioners. However, he was barred from participating. After submitting the OFFICIAL PROTEST AGAINST THE PARIS PEACE TREATY to the peace commissioners on behalf of the Philippine government, which was ignored and not acknowledged, Agoncillo went back to Washington and met with several United States senators and prominent Americans who were sympathetic to the Filipino cause. He submitted to the State Department a document entitled “MEMORIAL TO THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES” (Kalaw-Maximo[Case], 64-78).

This document suffered the same fate as the protest Agoncillo submitted in Paris. It was not acknowledged nor received by the State Department and was ignored by the McKinley administration. He stayed in Washington a few days more, then suddenly disappeared before the outbreak of the war on February 4, 1899, having left hurriedly for Europe to escape what he thought was a threat of arrest by the Americans. According to Felipe Buencamino, Agoncillo telegrammed Aguinaldo that he was not received by President McKinley and advised that preparations be made for war. (Buencamino, 2)

The two documents, the MEMORIAL, and PROTEST prepared by Felipe Agoncillo and the APPEAL prepared by Galicano Apacible, are presented in Appendices II, III, and IV, respectively, which can be accessed through the link provided for the purpose.

Why the United States destroyed the Malolos republic

(This write-up is identical to the article with the same title found on pages 8284-293 of the book entitled The Filipino Tragedy and Other Historical Facts Every Filipino Should Know," published by the author.  The sources and references indicated here are contained on pages 402-415 of the book.)

Every Filipino who went through high school would have learned that there once existed an earlier Filipino republican government, the first Filipino republic and the first in Asia, the so-called Malolos republic, with Emilio Aguinaldo as its president. But that awareness is oftentimes superficial and wanting in-depth knowledge.

Not many Filipinos know that the so-called Malolos Republic was a functioning government. Congress enacted laws and elected officials administered the functionaries of government in the towns and provinces. It collected taxes, customs duties, and war assessment; floated bonded indebtedness, and even issued a paper currency. It maintained an army and navy and provided services in education, commerce, science, health, justice, and foreign service. It operated for more than a year from its proclamation on July 3, 1898, up to its destruction by the Americans on November 12, 1899, when the last capital at Bayambang, Pangasinan was overrun by American forces.

Yes, the Philippine-American war destroyed the Malolos Republic. But a question may be asked - why was it not allowed to exist by the Americans? If war is merely an expression of political objectives, then Washington officials, with their commitment to human rights and libertarian heritage, could have easily halted the war to let the Filipinos go on their own. Instead, U.S. President William McKinley forcibly annexed the Philippines, destroyed the Filipino republic, and imposed American sovereignty over the unwilling inhabitants of the islands. Why?

U.S. military officers - Dewey, Anderson, Lawton, and several others who had a first-hand acquaintance with Filipinos provided the U.S. State Department with favorable impressions on the Filipinos and their capability for self-government. Even U.S. President McKinley was reported to have indicated no immediate interest in the acquisition of the Philippines and instead placed the future of the Philippines in the hands of the peace negotiators. But during the Peace Treaty negotiations in Paris the United States commissioners surprisingly demanded from Spain the cession of the Philippines to the United States.

Filipino nationalist historians have always attibuted the motive behind the annexation of the Philippines by the United States to American imperialism. They claim that American big business saw the Philippines as a "prized possession for its unexploited natural resources, its strategic location for commerce in the east and for its harbors well suited for coaling stations and repair of ships."

But Senator Richard F. Pettigrew of the United States, a prolific critic of McKinley, gave an inkling of the more plausible motive. He said England influenced the decision of the United States to keep the Philippines as a colony because a new republic in the Orient might encourage the English colonies to establish their own.

Here is the revealing statement of Senator Pettigrew:

“At first we did not intend to keep the Philippines. About the early part of June, I898, the English papers began to publish articles urging the Americans to keep the Philippines. England became alarmed at the prospect of a republic being set up in the Orient. It would be like starting a prairie fire among her Malay subjects in Borneo, Singapore, Hongkong, and her other East India possessions. Hence President McKinley did not wish to start another Paul Kruger to set a bad example to the subjects of the Empress of India. The ‘London Spectator’, on the Philippines, hoped the United States would keep them, saying: 'The weary Titan needs an ally, and the only ally whose aspirations, ideas, and language are like his own is the great American people."(Pettigrew, 607)

[Author's note: The name Paul Kruger is associated with the First Boer War. After the British annexed South Africa in 1877, Kruger led a war of resistance against the British who were defeated in the decisive battle at Majuba in 1881 and an independent republic was established. ]

The prospect of antagonizing the British on one hand and offending the democratic idealism of the American people on the other perhaps explains the evolving nature of McKinley's policy towards the Philippines. This policy was initially announced as a hands-off policy and eventually evolved into a policy of annexation.

The policy change can be gleaned from the events following the declaration of war with Spain on April 25, 1898. At this time, U.S. President McKinley had no clear-cut position about American intentions in the Philippines. While the United States granted the Cubans their independence after liberation from Spain and the same policy is expected by the Filipinos for themselves, nothing of the sort came about. The fact is, the Filipinos willingly sided with the Americans because they considered the Cuban experience as a manifestation of the good intentions of the Americans. But a period of non-decision prevailed on the Philippine question, which McKinley himself admitted he agonized on it.

After the defeat of the Spanish fleet at Manila Bay, a Peace Protocol between Spain and the United States was signed on August 12, 1898. Even at this time, the intention to annex the Philippines was absent. The protocol merely gave the United States the right to hold the city, the bay, and harbor for coaling purposes. There was no mention of the cession of the archipelago, nor a takeover of the island of Luzon or another Philippine island.

Believing that the Americans would let them enjoy an independent government under an American protectorate, the Filipinos cooperated with the Americans in the most cordial manner. Aguinaldo secured the initial cache of arms from Commodore Dewey. Two U.S. cruisers, the Raleigh and the Concord effected the surrender of the Spanish garrison in Subic Bay and the 1,200 Spanish prisoners were turned over by Dewey to Aguinaldo. Dewey also sent his cruisers to seek out the German cruiser Irene which challenged the identity of a Filipino steamer, the Filipinas, on the basis that the Filipino flag it was flying did not represent a country recognized as a belligerent. Dewey defended the act of flying the Filipino flag by the Filipino vessels saying he tolerated it. This friendly American attitude towards the Filipinos continued until the arrival of the first expedition of American troops in mid-1898.

However, from August to the latter part of 1898, the United States policy on the Philippines swayed towards annexation. The new policy revealed itself during the Treaty of Paris negotiations. The United States demanded the cession of the whole Philippine archipelago. This demand had gone beyond what was originally specified in the Peace Protocol, which merely allowed the United States to hold the city, the bay, and harbor. And as events later confirmed, the might of the U.S. military was called upon to effect the complete subjugation of the Filipinos notwithstanding their heroic resistance.

Among the papers annexed to the Treaty of Peace between the United States and Spain were 51 pages of documents comprising the section labeled Protectorates, Colonies, and Non-Sovereign States (United States[Treaty], 627-677), which were a detailed description of how the British administered their possessions.

Did the United States follow the advice to hold the Philippines as a colony because England fears the loss of her own colonies in the East whose inhabitants might follow the course of the Filipinos - throw off the colonial yoke and establish a republic?

Philippine Commonwealth President Manuel L. Quezon thought so when he said:

"I should not be surprised if Britain, France and Holland would be pleased to see the American flag continue to fly over these islands in perpetuity. But to those nations I will say a word in all friendship. It is this: What their subject peoples ultimately do will not be determined by anything which happens in the Philippines."(Bell[Edward], 5)

Contrary to allegations that the first Philippine Republic did not exist or if it did, it was a farce, here is a description of the establishment of the Malolos Congress:

In conformity with the organic decree of June 23, made effective by decrees of September 4 and 10, the Revolutionary Congress convened in the church of Barasoain, near Malolos, Bulacan, on September 15, 1898. Eighty-five deputies, among the ablest men of the Archipelago, responded to the summons, although the list printed with the official edition of the political constitution of the Philippine Republic contains the names of ninety-two members, later raised to one hundred and ten. Some members were elected and some appointed. Naturally the legal profession was most largely represented. While a few delegates were graduates of European Universities, they had little or no knowledge of matters political and constitutional. Nevertheless, F. D. Millet, a well-known journalist writing from personal observation, states that all "were exceptionally alert, keen, and intelligent in appearance." And John Barrett says that they "would compare in behavior, manner, dress and education with the average men of the better classes of other Asiatic nations, possibly including the Japanese. These men, whose sessions I repeatedly attended, conducted themselves with great decorum and showed a knowledge of debate and parliamentary law that would not compare unfavourably with the Japanese Parliament."

The following description of the opening of the Revolutionary Congress at Malolos was written the day after. September 16, 1898, by Mr. Millet, one of the two foreign correspondents present:

"At the large basilica of Barasoain (Malolos) we found a large number of the delegates already assembled, and the guards drawn up to receive the expected cortege of the President and his suites. The bald interior of the church was sparsely relieved by crossed palm-leaves and wreaths fastened to the columns which divide the nave from the aisles, and on the great bare spaces between the windows. In the middle of the nave were two bentwood chairs; on either side and behind these, in the aisles, were seats and benches for spectators. To the left of the chancel a long table, draped with blue and red, was arranged for the secretaries, and opposite it were special seats for invited guests, and in the front one next to the chancel rail we were assigned our places. The chancel was hung with a great white drapery, rudely painted to represent ermine, and a broad border o    f red cloth with palm-leaves and wreaths framed in this curtain. Crossed insurgent flags ornamented the pilasters on each side, and in the middle of the chancel, under the imitation ermine, was a long table draped with light blue and crimson, and behind this three large carved chairs. While we were waiting for the functionaries to arrive, we had an excellent opportunity of studying those who had come from all over the islands to assist in the foundation of a republic-for this was their professed purpose. Every man was dressed in full black costumes of more or less fashionable cut, according to his means or his tastes.

"At last, to the sound of the national march, the delegates moved in a body to the door and then back again, divided, and then Aguinaldo, looking very undersized and very insignificant, came marching down, bearing an ivory stick with gold head and gold cord and tassels. A group of tall, fine-looking generals and one or two dignitaries in black accompanied him, and half surrounded him as they walked along. Mounting the chancel steps, Aguinaldo took the middle seat behind the table, the Acting Secretary of the Interior took the place on his right, and a general occupied the carved chair on his left. Without any formal calling to order, the secretary rose and read the list of delegates, and sat down again. Then Aguinaldo stood up, and after the feeble vivas had ceased, took a paper from his pocket, and in a low voice, without gestures and without emphasis, and in the hesitating manner of a schoolboy, read his message in the Tagalo language. Only once was he interrupted by vivas, and that was when he alluded to the three great free nations-England, France and America-as worthy models for imitation. He next read a purported translation in Spanish with even more difficulty, and when he had finished there was quite a round of cheers, proposed and led by the veteran general Buencamino, for the President, the republic, the. victorious army, and for the town of Malolos. Then Aguinaldo arose and declared the meeting adjourned until it should re-assemble prepared to elect officers and to organize in the regular manner. The long-talked-of and ever-memorable function was over."

The Spanish version of the message of the President reads in translation as follows:

"Representatives:-The work of the revolution being happily terminated and the conquest of our territory completed, the moment has arrived to declare that the mission of arms has been brilliantly accomplished by our heroic army and now a truce is declared in order to give place to councils which the country offers to the service of the government in order to assist in the unfolding of its programme of liberty and justice, the divine message written on the standards of the revolutionary party.

"A great and glorious task, an undertaking within the capacity of every class of patriots, is it for undisciplined troops to fight and to break lances in opposition to the injustice done to those whom they defend and protect. But this is not all.

"It remains for us, further, to solve the grave and supereminent problems of peace for those for whom our fatherland demanded from us the sacrifice of our blood and of our fortunes and now at the present time calls for a solemn document, expressive of the high aspirations of the country, accompanied by all the prestige and all the grandeur of the Filipino race, in order to salute with this the majesty of those nations which are united in accomplishing the high results of civilization and progress.

"To these great friendly nations, whose glorious liberty is sung by the muse of history was addressed the sacred invocation which accompanied our undertaking in its incredible acts of valor, to these nations the Filipino people now sends its cordial salutations of lasting alliance.

"At this opening of the temple of the laws, I know how the Filipino people, a people endowed with remarkable good sense, will assemble. Purged of its old faults, forgetting three centuries of oppression, it will open its heart to the noblest aspirations and its soul to the joys of freedom; proud of its own virtues without pity for its own weaknesses, here in the church of Barasoain, once the sanctuary of mystic rites, now the august and stately temple of the dogmas of our independence, here it is assembled in the name of peace, perhaps close at hand, to unite the suffrages of our thinkers and of our politicians, of our warlike defenders of our native soil and of our learned Tagalo psychologists, of our inspired artists and of the eminent personages of the bench, to write with their votes the immortal book of the Filipino constitution as the supreme expression of the national will.

"Illustrious spirits of Rizal, of Lopez Jaena, of Hilario del Pilar! August shades of Burgos, Pelaez and Panganiban! Warlike genuises of Aguinaldo and Tirona, of Natividad and Evangelista! Arise a moment from your unknown graves! See how history has passed by right of heredity from your hands to ours, see how it has been multiplied and increased to an immense size to infinity by the gigantic strength of our arms, and more than by arms, by the eternal, divine suggestion of liberty which burns like a holy flame in the Filipino soul. Neither God nor the fatherland grants us a triumph except on the condition that we share with you the laurels of our hazardous struggle.

"And you, representatives of popular sovereignty, turn your eyes to the lofty example of the illustrious patriots!

"Let this example and their revered memory, as well as the generous blood spilled on the battlefields, be a potent incentive to arouse in you a noble spirit of emulation to dictate with the great wisdom your high mandate demands, the laws which in this fortunate era of peace are destined to govern the political destinies of our country."

Following the procedure outlined in the decree of June 23, the Congress was organized with Pedro A. Paterno as President, Benito Legarda as Vice President, and Gregorio Araneta and Pablo Ocampo, secretaries.68 On September 17th Congress listened to an eloquent address e by its president, Paterno, and elected its committees. The rules of the Spanish Cortes, slightly modified, were temporarily adopted. Subsequent to organization and ratification of a declaration of independence, the principal work became the discussion and adoption of a constitution. The Congress is also said to have passed other laws. Unfortunately no official record was kept of the poceedings. After the promulgation of the constitution, the outbreak of hostilities necessarily neutralized further effective labors by the legislature. (Malcolm, 134-140)

The Rise of the Philippine Independent Church

(This write-up is identical to the article with the same title found on pages 315-324 of the book entitled "The Filipino Tragedy and Other Historical Facts Every Filipino Should Know," published by the author.  The sources and references indicated here are contained on pages 402-415 of the book.)

The story of the Iglesia Filipina Independiente, otherwise known as the Philippine Independent Church, also known as the Aglipayan Church, is intertwined with the war of independence against Spain and the subsequent war of resistance against the United States of America.

A rebellion of the Filipino clergy against the Vatican at the turn of the 20th century triggered the birth of the independent church and threatened the very existence of the Roman Catholic Church in the Philippines.

The principal reason for this schism was hatred of the friars, which was also the primary cause of the Philippine revolution. "When the Filipino rebels captured friars, they were killed .... Thousands of friars fled for their lives to Manila, Hong Kong, and Spain." (Grant[Percy], 72), remarked a foreign observer.

Archbishop Bernardino Nozaleda of Manila, the titular head of the Philippine Roman Catholic church supported the friars and kept them in the parishes with the approval of the Pope, despite the persistent demand for their expulsion. The native Filipino clergy led by Fathers Gregorio Aglipay, Isidoro Perez, Panciano Manuel, Jose Evangelista, and Adriano Garces, actively agitated for the replacement of the friars by secular priests. Father Gregorio Aglipay also participated actively in the Philippine revolution and ultimately became the head of the schismatic church.

Archbishop Nozaleda did not show any sympathy for the plight of the people and the Filipino clergy in particular. When the 1896 Philippine revolution broke out, Nozaleda demanded that the Spanish authorities exterminate the Filipino rebels by "fire, sword, and wholesale executions. (Foreman, 365). But Governor-General Ramon Blanco hesitated to take the offensive until reinforcement from the home government arrived. For his inaction, Blanco was replaced by Camilo G. de Polavieja through the intercession of Nozaleda.

The inclination of Nozaleda to use drastic means towards the Filipino natives was also exhibited in the incarceration and eventual execution of Dr. Jose Rizal. While in prison, Rizal was quoted as saying that if Archbishop Nozaleda's sane view had been taken and Noli Me Tangere not preached against, he would not have been in prison, and perhaps the rebellion would never have occurred (Craig, 238).

However, when news came that Admiral Dewey's fleet was sailing to Manila in May 1898, Nozaleda and the worried Governor-General Basilio Agustin made a desperate and urgent appeal to the Filipino people to help the Spaniards drive the Americans out of the Islands. The Filipinos were told that the Americans would take away their liberties and enslave them and that this Protestant nation would destroy their churches and uproot Christianity. Archbishop Nozaleda warned of a prophecy that “…if victorious, this ‘heterodox people, possessed by the blackest rancor and all abject passions which heresy engenders’ would raze their temples, profane the altar of the true God, rob them of their religion, and treat them as slaves (Laubach[People], 120).

However, the Filipinos wavered because the false promises of the peace pact of Biak-na-Bato were still fresh in the Filipinos' memory (Briggs, 71). In desperation, Nozaleda sent an emissary to the rebel camp in Cavite to convince the Filipinos to take sides with the Spaniards with promises of reforms and positions for Filipino leaders in a proposed Spanish-sponsored autonomous government. The emissary was Father Gregorio Aglipay. But instead of convincing the rebels to join ranks with the Spaniards against the Americans, Father Aglipay became a strong adherent of the revolution, and Aguinaldo 317 eventually commissioned him as the First Chaplain and Vicar General of the Philippine Revolutionary Army (Laubach[People], 130; Briggs, 113). Father Aglipay was excommunicated by an ecclesiastical tribunal that Archbishop Nozaleda convened on April 29, 1899, for his involvement in the revolution.

The second phase of the Philippine revolution was marked by a succession of victories against the Spanish army by the better-armed and organized Filipino army whose number rose to 30,000 men by end of June 1898. With Admiral Dewey in control of the bay and assisting Aguinaldo, the Filipino army took 9,000 Spanish prisoners and raised the Filipino flag in practically all towns and cities outside of Manila - Luzon, the Visayas, and parts of Mindanao. The hated friars were taken prisoners and the property of the Catholic church – rich farmlands, church buildings, and convents was confiscated by the Filipino government and used by the Filipino army. Several captured friars were even made household servants to the military and civilian officials of the Malolos government.

During the brief period of Filipino administration of the islands after the declaration of independence in June 1898 up to the capture of Aguinaldo in March 1901, the Filipino clergy was mandated to take over the parishes and fill the spiritual needs of the populace while the blessing of the Vatican was being secured. Aguinaldo designated Isabelo Delos Reyes to this important mission – to intercede with the Pope for the appointment of Filipino bishops. However, the papal delegate disdained the idea saying, "Not if all the friars are beheaded will Rome appoint Filipinos as bishops."(Laubach[Seven], 71-72)

So, Isabelo Delos Reyes returned to the Philippines in 1901, burning with indignation and determined to start a separate independent church.

After the fall of Manila to the Americans on August 13, 1898, Nozaleda fled to Shanghai and remained there until the Treaty of Paris was signed on December 10, 1898. During the treaty negotiations, the Vatican sent Bishop Placido L. Chapelle of New Orleans to Paris who adeptly maneuvered and lobbied to obtain concessions favorable to the Catholic church. The Americans, who did not want to antagonize the Pope, spared the Church from decimation by inserting Article VIII into the treaty which provided for the protection of Church properties and rights. The role of the Catholic church in the treaty negotiation is better described by Laubach, viz:

“Suddenly the friars abandoned the game of seeking Aglipay's support and loudly announced themselves as pro American - for they had won a bigger game in Europe. Spain had signed the Treaty of Paris with the United States (December 10, 1898). It had been a defeat for Spain, but it was a victory of the friars, who outwitted the American Government. Archbishop Chapelle of New Orleans was present at the negotiations. He insisted that the United States should purchase the Islands for $20,000,000 while President McKinley insisted by cable that the United States should secure her title by conquest. The church having more at stake, persisted longer - and won. Technically therefore, the Philippines were purchased instead of being conquered and they were not purchased with a clear title. For article VIII says about the church property (which as already stated now constituted one tenth of the improved property of the Philippines), ‘The... cession... cannot in any respect impair the property rights.. of... ecclesiastical... bodies.’…” (Laubach [People], 130-131)

As Aguinaldo's loose alliance with the Americans against Spain turned into a war between the two former allies, Father Aglipay continued to serve the Filipino army in the war of resistance against the Americans. He helped recruit Ilocano guerrillas and persistently harassed American garrisons in the Ilocos region. Even after Aguinaldo's capture in March 1901, Father Aglipay continued the fight until he saw the hopelessness of the cause. He surrendered to the Americans in May 1901, took the oath of allegiance to the United States, and returned to his calling in the Catholic Church, hoping for forgiveness from the Pope.

Meanwhile, Delos Reyes made good his plan by establishing a church in July 1901 and appointed Father Aglipay as its head. Father Aglipay publicly refused the appointment and disowned the movement. He and several other Filipino members of the clergy continued to fight for the removal of the friars from the parishes. However, Nozaleda and the newly arrived papal delegate, Bishop Chapelle, who was tasked by the Pope to resolve the complaints of the native clergy, sided with the friars.

Felipe Calderon mentioned two incidents that revealed the bias of the church hierarchy in favor of the friars and the religious corporations, as follows:

"We had, together with the apostolic delegate (Bishop Chapelle), organized a reception in one of the houses of the Calzada de San Miguel. I being a member of the committee on arrangements for that function. The house was sumptuously decorated and illuminated; among the decorations there were several transparencies with the name of Filipino bishops ad prominent Filipino priests, and on the front of the house there anchored between the lights the names of Burgos, Gomez, and Zamora. This reception was attended by large crowds among them the Archbishop of Manila (Nozaleda) and the provincials of nearly all the religious corporations, some of whom, by the way, carried big rattan canes, although they had come to a peaceful reception. After the reception, a group of residents of Tondo asked the Delegate to listen to an address of welcome to be pronounced by a young lady on behalf of the residents mentioned. Almost at the very beginning of the address, reference was made to the animosity of the Filipinos against the religious corporations, whereupon Mr. Chapelle told the young lady to stop. The people present became very excited, and shortly afterwards, without my knowing how it started, shouts of ‘Away with the friars!’ and ‘Death to Nozaleda!’ resounded throughout the room, to such an extent that General Otis, who was among the crowd, began to calm everybody. This was not all: when Mr. Nozaleda left the place, a number of people pursued him and several stones struck his carriage. The other incident occurred at a meeting of Filipino priests held at the residence of the Delegate, Mr. Chapelle, at which meeting the priests requested that their legitimate rights be recognized and that with regard to the matter of the parish priests, the common canonical law govern in the Philippine Islands, and not special laws by virtue of which the parishes in the Philippines are administered by members of the regular clergy. Mr. Chapelle disbanded the meeting in a manner anything but prudent and informed those present that he could not tolerate that such requests be made. In view of all these things and of the attitude of the apostolic delegate, who showed marked preference for the religious corporations, great excitement prevailed, not only among the Filipino clergy, but among the other Catholics, who saw that a break between the Delegate and the Archbishop on one side and the people and the clergy on the other was imminent." (,Kalaw[Memoirs], 632-633)

To mitigate the tense atmosphere, U.S. President Roosevelt, sent Governor-General William Howard Taft to the Vatican to negotiate with the Pope for the resolution of two thorny issues, namely: the purchase of the friar lands, and the removal of the friars from the parishes. The first issue was accomplished after paying a very handsome price, in the words of Felipe Calderon, "a large amount of money has left the Philippine islands and gone into the treasury of the religious corporations instead of remaining in the possession and being expended for the benefit of the Apostolic Catholic Roman Church" (Kalaw[Memoirs], 635). But the second, the expulsion of the friars, was not successfully resolved. The Pope refused to remove the friars from the parishes. (Laubach[People], 141)

With the sad news of Taft's failure to secure the eviction of the friars, Father Aglipay saw it as a clear demonstration of the discrimination against the native priests and the futility of the struggle of the Filipino clergy. Accordingly, in a bold decision on October 17, 1902, Father Aglipay broke off with Rome and accepted the position of Obispo Maximo of the new church. His move created a stampede of priests and the faithful to the new church bringing with them the control of Catholic church properties.  Here is how an observer saw it:

"The excitement rose higher than it had been when Aglipay said his first mass. There was a landslide into the schismatic church. In Ilocos Norte only three priests remained true to Rome. All the Filipino priests on the Island of Panay, sixty in number, left the Catholic Church. The poor, the oppressed, and the radical, clamored for freedom. In general, the more the communities had been touched by unrest, the greater was the number of those who broke from Rome. Indeed Aglipay and his fellow bishops were swamped. The movement was one of the people even more than of the priests. In no case did a priest go into the new movement without the support of his congregation. In many instances parts of congregations broke away from the priest who refused to go with them. The new church was embarrassed for want of priests and bishops." (Laubach[People], 144)

 

Unable to stave off the exodus of the faithful, Archbishop Nozaleda asked the government to intervene and "... demanded ... that the churches be restored to their bishops by the armed interference of the constabulary" (Barrows, 10). But the American-colonial government required the matter to make its way in the courts. And so the Aglipayan church retained possession of the Catholic Church properties under a policy of peaceable possession enunciated by Governor-General Taft, which allowed the property to remain with the possessor, i.e., the Aglipayan Church until the courts have decided on whose favor the properties should go.

The Aglipayan Church was widely received all over the islands and enjoyed its highest mark in 1904. Riding on the crest of nationalism, the new church immediately gained adherents, especially among the masses. One author describes the dramatic spread of the new church in this manner:

"A Filipino priest, Father Serrondo, at Pandacan, Manila, made some insulting references to Bishop Aglipay. When Father Serrondo came out of church he was assaulted by a mob of women. They tore his cassock in shreds, rolled him in the dirt, and let him go, glad to escape with his life. Members of the congregation sent for the new Archbishop Aglipay to come and say mass in the Pandacan church. This he did before a vast crowd. Two hundred irate women took their bedding and cooking utensils and slept in the churchyard to prevent the regular priest from again entering the building. Other churches invited Aglipay to use their building and the city was in a furor." (Laubach[People], 142)

Before the exodus to the new church, there were about six or seven million Roman Catholics. After the religious upheaval, only about one million remained with the Catholic Church. The newly arrived American Protestant missionaries, who thought of using the Aglipayan Church as a stepping stone, provided the new church with Protestant Bibles. The direction of the new Church was separation from the Vatican, thus:

"The schismatic church therefore bent its energies to inducing Filipino priests to abandon Rome. The great majority of priests hesitated for a time. Then they were almost stampeded into revolt by the arrival of a new Apostolic delegate to the Philippines, Monsignor Guidi, as successor of Archbishop Chapelle of New Orleans. These papal delegates were always making false steps. This time the blunder was to publish an encyclical letter written by the Pope to the Filipinos. It was published on December 2nd. There was an immediate upheaval. Filipinos saw in the letter a clear intention on the part of the papacy to fasten the friars upon them forever. It was condemned by every native priest in the Islands. Monsignor Guidi sought to placate the Filipinos by replacing former Spanish prelates with American bishops, but in the present excitement this made matters worse. Aglipay expressed the general feeling when he said: 'We resent the sending of French, Italian, Hottentot, American or any other friar-controlled priests to rule us.' Aglipay declares, and Filipino priests commonly believe, that 'Guidi deliberately changed the recently printed promise to appoint four Filipino bishops by appointing foreign bishops in their stead." (Laubach[People], 144)

The Aglipayan Church initially maintained most of the Catholic rituals, sainted Dr. Jose Rizal, accepted the Protestant doctrines of scripture-based teaching, and did away with Mariolatry. Isabelo de Los Reyes, who had been working on an idea about the religion of the Katipunan which revolved around the supreme being Bathala, also contributed his intellectual prowess and translated the Protestant Bible into Ilocano, in cooperation with the British Bible Society. He eventually rewrote the Protestant Bible, more likely with the help of Aglipay. He ascribed scientific explanations to many events in the Bible and finally produced a revised version which was published under the title Biblia Filipina. The Aglipayan Church was grooming itself to become like the Church of England.

However, in December 1906, the Aglipayan Church was struck by a big blow. The Supreme Court overturned the peaceable possession policy of Governor Taft that allowed the Aglipayans the possession of Catholic Church properties. The Court gave no credence to the contention of the Aglipayans that the church buildings truly belonged to the Filipino people who erected them with their own sweat and labor and financed them with money contributed by the native faithful. The court's decision effectively restored the ownership of the church buildings to the Vatican and ordered the Aglipayan hierarchy to return these to the Roman Catholic Church.

The Supreme Court decision deprived the Aglipayans of the possession of the church buildings and was forced to make do with makeshift structures of bamboo and nipa. The pathetic picture of Aglipayan faithful performing liturgical services in deplorable conditions brought widespread demoralization and led many priests and followers to trek back to the fold of the Catholic Church.

But Bishop Aglipay was unfazed and did not give up. To the surprise of the Roman Catholic Church, the Aglipayan church recovered and by the census of 1918, it had 1,417,466 members or 13.7 percent of the entire population of the Islands. The Christian-influenced doctrines of the new Church were overhauled with the release on May 8, 1926, of a monograph entitled Novenary of the Motherland authored jointly by Gregorio Aglipay and Isabelo de Los Reyes. The new teachings rejected the Catholic doctrines of the divinity of Jesus, original sin, immaculate conception, the trion God, and heaven and hell. The Darwinian concept of the origin of man, together with subsequent anthropological findings were accepted in support of creation, while the principles of physics, more particularly the indestructible properties of matter, of the transformation of gas, liquid, and solid, were ascribed to the phenomena of physical death and resurrection. The teachings of Rizal, Bonifacio, the Katipunan, and Mabini were incorporated in the novena and prescribed as a regular daily prayer of the members. The Aglipayan Church was groomed to become the "scientific National Church" (Aglipay, 20).

An Englishman observer gave these concluding remarks:"

One of the chief lessons which Rizal had learned in Europe was that a priest-ridden nation is a nation bound over hand and foot to degeneration and decay, and many of his writings were directed against this unwholesome influence, which nowhere has had such pernicious effects as in the Philippines. (Younghusband, 129) 

Today, whatever the current state of the Aglipayan church does not diminish its contribution to the growth and development of the purest of Filipino spirit and the noblest of aspirations - to be free and independent.